Landscape of Profits

Author(s):  
Rachel St. John

This chapter describes how ranchers, miners, investors, laborers, railroad executives, and innumerable economic actors integrated the border into an emerging transnational economy and began to create binational communities on the boundary line. With the completion of the first transborder rail line—brought on by the joining of the Sonora Railway and the Arizona and New Mexico Railroad at the international boundary line—ranchers and miners secured an easy way to move stock and ore to markets. As more people realized this, the borderlands experienced nothing short of a capitalist revolution. The capitalist development of the borderlands would, in turn, spur the creation of an array of new transborder ties. By the early twentieth century, the border has become a point of connection and community in the midst of an emerging capitalist economy and the center of a transborder landscape of property and profits.

2014 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-67
Author(s):  
Nate Holdren

This article takes criticisms of employment discrimination in the aftermath of the creation of workmen’s compensation legislation as a point of entry for arguing that compensation laws created new incentives for employment discrimination. Compensation laws turned the costs of employees’ workplace accidents into a risk that many employers sought to manage by screening job applicants in a manner analogous to how insurance companies screened policy applicants. While numerous critics blamed insurers for discrimination, I argue that the problem was lack of insurance. The less that companies pooled their compensation risks via insurance, the greater the incentives for employers to stop employing people they would have previously been willing to hire.


Author(s):  
Iulia Sprinceana

The Spanish dramatist, novelist, and poet Ramón del Valle-Inclán was a major figure of the Generation of 1898, a group of writers that reinvigorated Spanish letters in the wake of the Spanish-American War of 1898, which marked the end of Spain’s colonial empire. Valle-Inclán was one of the most radical dramatists of the early twentieth century and worked to subvert the traditionalism of Spanish drama. Influenced by French modernism and Symbolism, he later moved to more experimental styles and is known for the creation of the ‘esperento,’ an absurd and grotesquely satirical mix of comedy and tragedy. This style expresses the tragic meaning of Spanish life, which Valle considered to be a ‘grotesque deformation’ of European civilization. He held several administrative and teaching appointments, which allowed him to dedicate his life to writing while providing for his wife and five children.


1959 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hyman Kublin

Reflecting upon the career in the colonial government of Formosa that was to win him world-wide fame in the early twentieth century, Baron Shimpei Goto once remarked that “Japan had made no preparations whatever for the administration of the island at the time of its acquisition”. Underscoring this neglect, he added, was “the fact that, in the case of other nations confronted by a similar occasion, elaborate schemes are generally formulated to meet contingencies connected with the occupation of a new territory”. One may wonder whether the Baron included among the “elaborate schemers” the “absent-minded” builders of the British Empire.It does not matter whether Baron Goto was aware of the complex historical processes, of the actions and accidents, involved in the creation of great empires. It is not even important whether he really believed that the colonial programs of the imperial powers were, like the war plans carefully devised by army general staffs, drawn from secret files as occasions demanded. Goto was primarily interested in the formulation and implementation of a colonial policy for Japan. His observation on his government's lack of preparedness to assume control and direction of Formosan affairs should thus be taken not simply as a confession and condemnation but rather as a statement of purpose.


2011 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 289-296
Author(s):  
Allyson N. May

The three articles published in this forum address an aspect of judicial procedure which has, understandably, been shrouded in mystery. Until 1848, the process of judicial review of Crown cases remained informal and the records of that review are terse and elliptical. Teasing out their meaning and their implications for lawmaking is thus no easy task. And while the process was formalized and made public with the creation of the Court of Crown Cases Reserved (CCCR) in 1848, the activities of this court have not attracted sustained attention from legal historians. These articles are therefore to be commended for advancing our understanding of the operation of judicial review in criminal cases prior to the establishment of the Court of Criminal Appeal in the early twentieth century.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 213 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luiz Carlos Barreira

Este artigo focaliza as ações de um grupo de intelectuais portugueses no início do século XX que se apresentava como anarcossindicalista. Autodenominado Grupo Lumen, suas ações visavam à formação do ser social. Dentre tais ações, o texto destaca a criação de uma revista, intitulada Lumen, por meio da qual o Grupo publicou suas teses sobre o educar e o instruir, tendo como referência as experiências da Escola Oficina Nº 1 de Lisboa e da Escola Moderna de Ferrer y Guardia, em Barcelona. A perspectiva de análise adotada pelo autor situa a imprensa no terreno da história social, no âmbito do qual ela é concebida como um conjunto de práticas constitutivas do social. Por meio da imprensa, o Grupo Lumen propôs um programa de instrução laica, científica e livre como condição necessária à criação de uma sociedade ácrata.Palavras-chave: Anarcossindicalismo, Formação libertária, Revista Lumen. Portugal. AbstractThis article focuses on the actions of a group of Portuguese intellectuals in the early twentieth century who presented itself as anarcho-syndicalist. Calling itself Lumen Group, its actions aimed at the formation of the human being. Among such actions, the text highlights the creation of a magazine, entitled Lumen, through which the Group published its thesis on educating and instructing, choosing as a reference the experiences of the Escola Oficina Nº 1 of Lisbon and the Escola Moderna, directed by Ferrer y Guardia, in Barcelona. The analytical perspective adopted by the author puts the press in the field of social history, under which it is conceived as a set of constitutive social practices. Through the press, the Lumen Group proposed a secular, scientific and free education program as a necessary component to create a self-governed (stateless) society.Keywords: Anarcho-syndicalism, Libertarian formation, Lumen Magazine. Portugal.ResumenEste artículo se centra en las acciones de un grupo de intelectuales portugueses a principios del siglo XX que se presentaba como anarcosindicalista. Autodenominado Grupo Lumen, sus acciones apunta a la formación del ser social. Entre estas acciones, el texto destaca la creación de una revista, titulada Lumen, por medio de la cual el Grupo publicó sus tesis sobre el educar y el instruir, eligiendo como referencia las experiencias de la Escuela Oficina Nº 1 de Lisboa y de la Escuela Moderna de Ferrer y Guardia, en Barcelona. La perspectiva de análisis adoptada por el autor sitúa a la prensa en el terreno de la historia social, en el marco del cual ella es concebida como un conjunto de prácticas constitutivas de lo social. A través de la prensa, el Grupo Lumen propuso un programa de instrucción laica, científica y libre como condición necesaria a la construcción de una sociedad ácrata.Palabras clave: Anarcosindicalismo; Formación libertaria, Revista Lumen. Portugal.


Author(s):  
Raita Merivirta ◽  
Leila Koivunen ◽  
Timo Särkkä

AbstractUtilizing such concepts as “colonial complicity” and “colonialism without colonies”, this chapter examines the case of Finns and Finland as a nation that was once oppressed but also itself complicit in colonialism. It argues that although the Finnish nation has historically been positioned in Europe between western and eastern empires, Finns were not only passive victims of (Russian) imperial rule but also active participants in the creation of imperial vocabulary in various colonial contexts, including Sápmi in the North.This chapter argues that although Finns never had overseas colonies, they were involved in the colonial world, sending out colonizers and producing images of colonial “others”, when they, in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, felt the need to project themselves as white and European (not Russian or non-white, such as Mongols). Finns adopted, adapted, and created common European knowledge about colonized areas, cultures, and people and participated in constructing racial hierarchies. These racialized notions were also applied to the Sámi. Furthermore, Finns benefitted economically from colonialism, sent out missionaries to Owambo in present-day Namibia to spread the ideas of Western/White/Christian superiority and instruct the Owambo in European ways. Finns were also involved in several colonial enterprises of other European colonizing powers, such as in the Belgian Congo or aboard Captain Cook’s vessel on his journey to the Antipodes.


Author(s):  
Roger E. Backhouse ◽  
Bradley W. Bateman ◽  
Tamotsu Nishizawa

This chapter establishes that the British welfare state was the creation of Liberals as much as socialists. By the early twentieth century, the “New Liberalism” was moving the Liberal Party away from Gladstonian Liberalism, and the Asquith government took major steps toward a welfare state before World War I. The economists arguing for the welfare state included many Liberals, notably Alfred Marshall, J. A. Hobson, A. C. Pigou, William Beveridge, and John Maynard Keynes. British Liberalism was varied, and influential strands within it were strongly supportive of the welfare state. Beveridge and Keynes, in particular, were responsible for much of the intellectual architecture of the welfare state as it was implemented by the first postwar Labour government of Clement Attlee.


Author(s):  
Janet Y. Chen

This chapter examines how “poverty” (pin) emerged as a resonant concept for reforming elites in the early twentieth century. Deeply anxious about China's precarious future, officials and intellectuals began to view “poverty” as an issue imbued with national significance. Drawing from Japanese penology and a burgeoning industrial training movement, reformers experimented with various types of workhouses, endeavoring to revive the nation on the foundation of labor. These first workhouses initially incarcerated misdemeanor convicts, and then extended detention to the nonworking poor, especially targeting “vagrants” and “beggars”—the male, mobile, and most unproductive members of society. The creation of these institutions marked a striking departure from traditional practices, anointing the combination of detention and labor as the most promising method of creating productive citizens.


Author(s):  
Hillary Maxson

In the aftermath of World War II, many Japanese women felt impelled to exorcise “martial motherhood,” a stoic, tearless, child-sacrificing gender ideal constructed by the state throughout the early twentieth century. At the Mothers’ Congress of 1955, mothers from across the country gathered to reclaim motherhood from the state and began to redefine motherhood for themselves in the postwar era. This chapter argues that the Mothers’ Congress represented a moment of transition from the wartime concept of “motherhood in the interest of the state” to the postwar idea of motherhood in the interest of mothers. Furthermore, the influential power of the organizers of Japan’s Mothers’ Congress was fundamental in the creation of the 1955 World Congress of Mothers. This was the first instance in which Japanese women became international feminist leaders, and they did so through the language of matricentric feminism.


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