Constitutional Faith

Author(s):  
Sanford Levinson

This book examines the “constitutional faith” that has, since 1788, been a central component of American “civil religion.” By taking seriously the parallel between wholehearted acceptance of the Constitution and religious faith, the book opens up a host of intriguing questions about what it means to be American. While some view the Constitution as the central component of an American religion that serves to unite the social order, the book maintains that its sacred role can result in conflict, fragmentation, and even war. This book takes the view that the Constitution’s value lies in the realm of the discourse it sustains: a uniquely American form of political rhetoric that allows citizens to grapple with every important public issue imaginable. A new afterword looks at the deepening of constitutional worship and attributes the current widespread frustrations with the government to the static nature of the Constitution.

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-263
Author(s):  
Chih-Chieh (Carol) LIN ◽  
Fang-Yi SU ◽  
Ping-Hsuan CHUNG

AbstractCommercial sex has been a complex and controversial issue in Taiwan. It was banned several times and finally partially legalized in law when the Congress finally amended Article 80 of the Social Order Maintenance Law and authorized local governments to establish red-light districts. Unfortunately, in reality, until now, no local government has established a red-light district. Therefore, all commercial sex is still illegal in Taiwan. By reviewing this issue from gender, culture, and legal perspectives, this paper discusses the regulation of commercial sex in Taiwan in three parts. In the first part, this paper provides a historical view of the development of commercial sex and how the government regulated it in different periods. In the second part, this paper introduces the debate and various perspectives of feminist legal theories on this issue. Finally, compared with the regulation models of Japan and Singapore, this paper proposes an empowerment approach in response to the current Social Order Maintenance Law. Focusing on sex workers’ autonomy and subjectivity, the new approach hopes to balance the interests between the rights of sex workers and the needs of social order and public health.


1930 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 144-157
Author(s):  
Malbone W. Graham

Constitutionalism, in Austria, is not a new slogan. It was a phrase to conjure with during the entire lifetime of Francis Joseph, though in practice the whole history of the country down to the revolution of 1918 was its virtual negation. Only in the latter days of the monarchy, when the scepter passed from the hands of Francis Joseph to the inexperienced young emperor Karl, was a modicum of popular expression allowed to supplant the personal autocracy of the sovereign. The old Austria passed out of existence in 1918 without the successful implantation of a régime of liberal legality in any of its parts.The young Austrian Republic, coming into existence in the hour of the Empire's dissolution, thus inherited a legacy of unconstitutional government, and only the solidity of socialist and clerical party organization, bred of the stress and strain of clashing conceptions of the social order, gave support to the government in the days when social revolution swept almost to the doors of Vienna. It was under such circumstances that Austria entered, in 1918, upon the way of constitutionalism and sought, through her provisional instruments of government, to avoid the autocratic excesses of the past and avert the impending perils of a proletarian dictatorship.In a series of revolutionary pronouncements and decisions of her provisional assembly, she discarded, under socialist leadership, the arbitrary régime attendant on the monarchy, and, establishing a unitary democratic republic with far-reaching local self-government as a stepping-stone toward union with Germany, inaugurated a régime of unquestioned parliamentary supremacy, strict ministerial responsibility, virtual executive impotence, and extensive socialization.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (6) ◽  
pp. 718-740
Author(s):  
Mohammed Abdel Karim Al Hourani

Abstract Almost all nations are struggling to slow down the transmission of Covid-19 by restricting large gatherings and close social interactions. However, it is not expected that people will stop all social gatherings and interactions voluntarily. This situation requires the construction of a new social reality that compels people to abandon their traditional practices, particularly in countries such as Jordan that have a traditional social order and strong bonding social capital. Nevertheless, Jordan had the lowest rates of Covid-19 in the Middle East during the first four months of the pandemic, because its government used its power to impose restrictions and new regulations. However, the situation has become one of the worst cases in the entire world after the government eased its restrictions. The example of Jordan provides strong evidence that the social construction of reality sometimes requires coercive intervention. Thus, this article reconsiders and extends Berger and Luckmann’s theory of social construction by examining it in the realm of social power. The theory includes three significant processes of social construction: externalization, objectivation, and internalization that should consider the concept of social power to extend the range of its powerful explanation.


SEER ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-38
Author(s):  
Arzu Çerkezoğlu

This article explores the reaction to the pandemic in Turkey, specifically as regards its impact on workers’ health, livelihoods and employment. It is clear that the pandemic, which has hit Turkey very hard, has had a disproportionate impact on working people and members of the union. The government has shortened the service record required to qualify for short-time working allowance, and also imposed a ban on lay-offs, but these are far from complete solutions. Meanwhile, its relief package - the ‘Economic Stability Shield’ - predominantly consists of credit lines and debt relief and is also the second lowest in the G20. Times are uncertain for all workers, particularly unregistered ones, as well as for poor families in terms of meeting basic needs now and during the next period of the pandemic, on top of the employment and unemployment crisis which has already been going on since August 2018. The government has decided not to take the advice of trade unions and professional organisations, but DİSK continues to raise its voice as regards maintaining the social order both now and in the crucial post-pandemic period.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elijah Tukwariba Yin ◽  
Peter Atudiwe Atupare

This paper argues that it is not the prison rules and regulations that alter the behaviour of inmates but rather the ideological justification of their religious faith. The article draws upon the social constructionist theory of reality to underpin the discussion of the data. Data was gathered through in-depth interviews and the distribution of semi structured questionnaires. When analysed, the data revealed that although inmates had the right to practice the precepts of their religious faith as defined in law, in practice, these religious rights were not entirely observed. The partial recognition of these rights divulges that the principle of humane treatment underpinning the respect for rights in prison was ignored and reduced to mere formal respect for rules. Besides, the data disclosed that inmates rarely attributed the change in their personality to the impact of prison rules and regulations, but rather to the transformative power of their religion.


2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-21
Author(s):  
Vivienne Jackson

Social research has highlighted the positive outcomes of religious faith and practice for integration and belonging amongst migrants of different genders. However narratives of Filipino migrants in Israel suggest that religion, gender and belonging may not go hand-in-hand. By applying Anthias’ intersectional framework of ‘translocational positionality’, a wider range of religious faith can be taken into account beyond gendered patterns amongst participants and activists in religious communities. Religious belief and gender intersect with other social locations, leading to the expression of complex orientations to belonging: where people believe they fit into the social order. Going beyond the categories of religion and gender to take in other intersections is essential in understanding the experiences of “non-organised” believers – and non-believers – as well as active religious participants.


Author(s):  
Martin H. Geyer

The years after the signing of the Versailles Peace Treaty on 28 June and the adoption of the Weimar Constitution on 11 August 1919 were dominated by inflation, which culminated in hyperinflation in 1923 and resulted in a currency reform. The republic mastered severe political crises such as the Kapp putsch in 1920, upheavals, and hyperinflation. At the same time, political life remained almost permanently in post-revolutionary crisis mode, suffering from both internal and external uncertainties, including reparations, which played a major role. Between 1919 and 1923, the government changed eight times. In particular, the year 1923 was marked by economic, political, and social states of emergency. After the political revolution in November 1918, inflation proved to be a revolution of a different kind, which contemporaries saw as crisis of the social order, but also as the expression of destructive modernity.


Author(s):  
N. L. Polyakova

The article analyzes the social transformations that have taken place in societies at the turn of the XXI century. These transformations are largely due to formation of radical inequality which is known now both in practice and theory as “1% economy”.The article demonstrates that adequate understanding of this new type of social inequality is possible only under the condition of change in methodological approach. Contstructivist approach should be given up in favour of structuralist approach. The structuralist approach makes it possible to view the new social inequality as an objective social process as the social structure of a new type of society. This social structure and social order determine social chances and life conditions of individuals.New radical social inequality gives rise to a new type of contemporary society. The bipolar society replaces the mass middle class society of the second half of the XX century. The bipolar society may be graphically presented as a pyramid with a truncated top and a broad social bottom.The article shows the processes and mechanisms that are forming this broad social bottom. This makes it possible to conceptualize the new social lower class as an axial central component in the structure of contemporary bipolar societies. In this function it has replaced the middle class.


2019 ◽  
pp. 158-189
Author(s):  
Ioanna Iordanou

This chapter discusses the different types of secret agents whom the Venetian authorities employed for their intelligence pursuits. These were drawn from all strata of Venetian society. Representing the patriciate, Venetian ambassadors and governors acted as semi-professional informants whose intelligence-gathering activities were coterminous with the norms of diplomatic decorum. Venetian merchants from either the patriciate or the social order of the cittadini also offered their services as amateur intelligence gatherers, protected under the guise of their professional activity. For outright espionage missions, however, when the spy had to infiltrate foreign lands, the Ten handpicked run-of-the-mill mercenary spies who were willing to risk their lives for a cash reward, an official privilege, or a political favour. The chapter shows how the Council of Ten commodified the practice of intelligence-gathering and espionage and turned it into a business transaction between the government and the governed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
S. Daniel Breslauer

Abstract Recent studies have renewed focus on Martin Buber’s “theopolitics” in contrast to “theological politics.” The present study expands this work by looking at what Buber meant by God. His approach to the Bible, informed by his view that “extended, the lines of relationship meet in the Eternal Thou,” illuminates his analysis of the five types of biblical leadership. That analysis, far from separating “religion” and “politics,” seemed to assume what might be designated a civil religion. The social order was integrated with religious concerns. Underneath the socio-religious surface, however, Buber discerned universal principles of relationship. Analyzing each stage in biblical leadership as Buber presented it shows how he extended the lines of historical relationships to reveal an aspect of the Eternal Thou.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document