Credit and Trade in the New South

Author(s):  
Martin Ruef

This chapter discusses the uncertainties surrounding the trade among country merchants, manufacturers, and wholesalers. Often separated by distances of hundreds of miles, their exchange relationships had little recourse to the social devices used to manage uncertainty within Southern communities. After the Civil War, moreover, these relationships had to bridge the sectional division between the North—where many wholesalers were concentrated in the large seaboard cities, and the South—where many country stores and manufactories were located in the hinterland. The physical and social distance between suppliers and Southern businesses created a need for new institutions to govern the flow of commerce. Although these institutions did emerge in the postbellum era, they ultimately proved inadequate to manage the economic uncertainty of merchants and, in some respects, may have even exacerbated it.

Author(s):  
Martin Ruef

This chapter assesses whether the class structure of the South changed in the postbellum era and whether different individual and locational attributes predicted who would come to occupy preferred social positions. It suggests another source of categorical uncertainty during Reconstruction and beyond. While many Southern journalists and politicians celebrated the expansion of an entrepreneurial middle class at the time, this class actually declined numerically in the proverbial New South. Moreover, the “decaying” planter class was remarkably persistent, both in its dominance of the top of the wealth distribution and its involvement in the postwar industrialization of the region. The social categories of planters and middling Southerners that were deployed in popular discourse—and within the “New South Creed”—thus had little in common with the reality of class structure following the Civil War.


2019 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 97
Author(s):  
Luís Miguel Moreira

Resumen: La progresiva radicalización ideológica del régimen republicano, instaurado en Portugal en octubre de 1910, provocó una oposición conservadora y monárquica que se organizó en el exilio, sobre todo en el sur de Galicia. Entre octubre de 1911 y junio de 1912, estacionados en varios pueblos y villas gallegas en la raya con Portugal, los monárquicos hicieron dos incursiones en territorio portugués —el primero en Vinhais y el segundo en Chaves— con el fin de fomentar la rebelión contra régimen instaurado. Sin embargo, las tropas republicanas, más numerosas y mejor equipadas, vencieron todos los combates. En la época, este episodio de guerra civil mereció amplia cobertura periodística, particularmente por la prensa afecta al régimen republicano. Los mapas y las fotografías de la frontera fueron ampliamente utilizados para localizar e ilustrar los acontecimientos. En este texto, pretendemos reconstituir estos movimientos, proponiendo una lectura geográfico-histórica de la raya luso-gallega, en el contexto de este episodio.Palabras clave: República portuguesa, incursiones monárquicas, raya galaico-portuguesa, cartografía propaganda.Abstract: The ideological radicalisation of the republican regime, established in Portugal in October 1910, gave rise to the forming of a conservative and monarchical opposition in exile, in the south of the Spanish historic region of Galicia. Between October 1911 and June 1912, from several Galician villages not far from the Portuguese border, the monarchists made two incursions into the north of the country - the first to Vinhais and the second to Chaves - with the aim of fuelling popular uprisings and a military rebellion against the new regime. However, the Republican troops, more numerous and better equipped, won all the battles. At the time, this episode of civil war received extensive journalistic coverage particularly from the newspapers close to the republican regime. Maps and photographs of the border were widely used to locate and illustrate the events. From the historic-geographical perspective of the Portuguese-Galician border, this paper reconstitutes these movements in the broader historical context.Key words: Portuguese Republic, monarchical incursions, Portuguese-Galician border, propaganda maps.


2021 ◽  
pp. 627-645
Author(s):  
Andrew F. Lang

Restoring the Union and securing emancipation after the Civil War depended on the U.S. Army. But the symbolism of standing military forces operating at the domestic vanguard of social and political change hampered the army’s ability to conduct a widespread occupation. The success of Reconstruction (1865–1877) depended on the army integrating itself in unprecedented ways in political affairs, social conditions, and economic markets to forge a new South stable enough never again to threaten the Union’s survival, but not too centralized to appear coercive. Ultimately, the very institution that reintegrated the formerly rebellious states into their proper federal orbit was also regarded by White Northerners and Southerners as an unstable threat to democratic self-determination. Hampered by a consistent and rapid demobilization, the army could not wield the tools necessary to prevent former Confederates from regaining political power and “redeeming” the South into an eerie image of its prewar self.


Author(s):  
Jonathan W. White

Men and women on the home front experienced a wide array of dreams during the Civil War. Women in the South and Border States often dreamed of Yankee soldiers invading their homes, while women in the North dreamed of going to battle to fight. Anxiety also often manifested itself in women’s dreams, as they worried about their husbands who were far away at war. These dreams placed wives in a difficult situation. They wanted to seek comfort by sharing their bad dreams with their husbands, but they did not want to discourage or demoralize their menfolk in the army.


Author(s):  
Anthony Roberts

With Turkic and Tajik peoples to the north, Tajiks and Pashtuns in the west, ethnic Hazaras in the central highlands and the Pashtuns to the south and east, Afghanistan’s diversity stems from its history as a regional crossroads. Christianity began in Afghanistan in the fourth century and was later revived by missionaries in the frontier areas, but there was little concerted effort to spread the faith until after 1945, when the Pashtun monarchy sought to modernise Afghanistan. However, the Soviet invasion prompted fighters to repel the forces under the banner of Islam. Amidst a civil war, Christian NGO’s continued until expelled by the Taliban in 2001. The new government allowed Christian NGO’s to expand into new areas of the country. For the sake of believers’ security the most visible fellowships have been limited to foreigners. Most find it difficult to sustain everyday life in the country while openly professing Christianity due to ostracism from society. While Islam has been linked with Afghan identity, worldview has begun to change. Unfortunately, there has been an exodus of Afghan believers, usually after social and legal ostracism. Nevertheless, due to sacrifices by Afghan believers, the church is growing in numbers despite all the challenges.


Author(s):  
R. Scott Huffard

The introduction starts by discussing how the railroad embodied nineteenth century capitalism and it notes how the book looks at the South’s railroads as a cohesive network that connected the South through a capitalist means. It also sets the scene by describing how the South was in transition after the Civil War and Reconstruction and how the white elites in the region were seeking to reconstruct capitalism. The railroad was a powerful symbol and an economic engine of change that allowed these boosters to proclaim that a New South had risen. But the railroad’s link with progress obscured the anxieties and monsters that it generated, and the introduction introduces counter narratives to the New South story that later chapters discuss. The book argues that railroads were uniquely destructive in the region and that white elites and railroad companies exploited the region’s racial tensions to obscure these anxieties.


Author(s):  
R. Scott Huffard

This chapter details how white southerners used the economic and cultural power of the railroad to reunify with the North and to move beyond the sectional tensions of the Civil War. For white southerners, the memory of the war and the destruction of the region’s railroads inspired calls for new development. Travel narratives and arguments from boosters like Henry Grady show how these elites saw the railroad as critical to idea that a New South would rise. The chapter then goes into a discussion of how northern railroad corporations like the Illinois Central and Louisville & Nashville pursued southern expansion strategies after the Civil War. Finally, the chapter discusses a key moment of reunification in 1886, when southern railroads shifted the gauge of thousands of miles of track to match the northern standard gauge.


Zootaxa ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 3575 (1) ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. K. LOWRY

The sand-hopper Bellorchestia mariae sp. nov. is described from Honeymoon Bay on the north coast of Jervis Bay, NewSouth Wales, Australia. It is the sister species of B. richardsoni Serejo & Lowry, 2008 and appears to have a limited dis-tribution from about Narrawallee in the south to northern Jervis Bay. The distribution of B. richardsoni Serejo & Lowry,2008 is extended from Point Ricardo, Victoria, northwards to Ulladulla on the New South Wales coast. A new synonymyis proposed for the sand-hopper Notorchestia quadrimana (Dana, 1852) which includes N. novaehollandiae (1899) andN. lobata Serejo & Lowry, 2008. It is considered to be a wide-ranging species from Shark Bay in Western Australia aroundthe south coast to at least Maitland Bay in central New South Wales. The beach-hopper Orchestia dispar Dana, 1852 isdescribed from Valla Beach in northern New South Wales and moved to the new genus Vallorchestia. This is the first re-cord of V. dispar since its original description 160 years ago. The beach-hopper Platorchestia smithi sp. nov. is describedfrom Brooms Head, New South Wales, Australia. It is common on ocean beaches from Bendalong in the south to Ballina in northern New South Wales. South of Bendalong beach-hoppers on ocean beaches appear to be absent.


Significance His comments are optimistic. The other two rival administrations that are based in Libya have resisted efforts to form a unified government, while armed groups (some associated with the administrations, others independent) compete for local dominance. As a result, intermittent escalations in fighting and sporadic attacks by fringe militias continue to occur in parts of the country. Concern has grown about the impact on civilians. Impacts Bombings and outbreaks of intense fighting will remain a risk in key contested locations in the north. Clashes between militias will recur sporadically in the south. The number of migrants working in Libya and seeking to travel to Europe may increase again.


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