The Settlement of 1815

After Victory ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 80-116
Author(s):  
G. John Ikenberry

This chapter looks at the order building in the settlement of 1815. The peace settlement that ended the Napoleonic wars in 1815 gave Europe the most elaborately organized political order yet. Led by Great Britain, the European states mounted a sustained effort to find a mutually agreeable, comprehensive, and stable order; this effort culminated in the celebrated Congress of Vienna. The Vienna settlement departed from earlier postwar settlements in the way the leading state attempted to use institutions to manage relations among the great powers. There were, however, sharp limits to the binding character of these institutions. The British proposal for general security guarantee failed primarily because of the inability of the states involved to make binding commitments. There are some traces of constitutional order, but the 1815 case reveals the limits to which nondemocratic states can create binding institutions.

Author(s):  
Andrés Baeza Ruz

This chapter analyses the relations between Great Britain and Chile between 1806 and 1814. In this period, Chile was not yet an independent state, but still a Spanish colony. ‘Chileans’ were still subjects of the king of Spain, and this was the most significant factor that shaped their first attitudes and reactions towards Britain during these years. This period was characterized by quick political and geopolitical developments. The process of the Napoleonic wars in Europe brought about significant changes for the relationship between Chile and Great Britain. If in a first moment Spain and France were allies against Britain, the overthrow of King Ferdinand VII by Napoleon in May 1808 reconfigured relations between Spain and Britain, making the two powers staunch allies against the French threat. All this influenced the way Chileans thought about both Britain’s place in the world and their own identity.


Author(s):  
Hazel Gray

This chapter contrasts the way that the political settlement in both countries shaped the pattern of redistribution, reform, and corruption within public finance and the implications that this had for economic transformation. Differences in the impact of corruption on economic transformation can be explained by the way that their political settlements generated distinct patterns of competition and collaboration between economic and political actors. In Vietnam corrupt activities led to investments that were frequently not productive; however, the greater financial discipline imposed by lower-level organizations led to a higher degree of investment overall in Vietnam that supported a more rapid economic transformation under liberalization than in Tanzania. Individuals or small factional networks within the VCP at the local level were, therefore, probably less able to engage in forms of corruption that simply led to capital flight as happened in Tanzania, where local level organizations were significantly weaker.


Author(s):  
Mary S. Barton

This is a book about terrorism, weapons, and diplomacy in the interwar years between the First and Second World Wars. It charts the convergence of the manufacture and trade of arms; diplomacy among the Great Powers and the domestic politics within them; the rise of national liberation and independence movements; and the burgeoning concept and early institutions of international counterterrorism. Key themes include: a transformation in meaning and practice of terrorism; the inability of Great Powers—namely, Great Britain, the United States, France—to harmonize perceptions of interest and the pursuit of common interests; the establishment of the tools and infrastructure of modern intelligence—including the U.S.-U.K. cooperation that would evolve into the Five Eyes intelligence alliance; and the nature of peacetime in the absence of major wars. Particular emphasis is given to British attempts to quell revolutionary nationalist movements in India and elsewhere in its empire, and to the Great Powers’ combined efforts to counter the activities of the Communist International. The facilitating roles of the Paris Peace Conference and League of Nations are explored here, in the context of the Arms Traffic Convention of 1919, the Arms Traffic Conference of 1925, and the 1937 Terrorism Convention.


Author(s):  
Glenn Burgess

The Reformation had a profound impact on European thinking about political obedience. This chapter explores the way in which the Reformation “mood” embraced theories of absolute authority, but also led to a questioning of authority. It explores the development of resistance theory and ideas of popular sovereignty, and of toleration, all of which cast significant limits on the authority of secular rulers. Reformation impulses also inspired some to genuinely revolutionary attempts to transform the social and political order, and these revolutionary ideas are explored too. The approach taken is to avoid narrative, and to explore particular moments at which the implication of Reformation ideas becomes apparent.


1906 ◽  
Vol 10 (40) ◽  
pp. 50-51

No fewer than seven nations tried to win the Gordon Bennett Cup in the race which started from the Tuileries Gardens, in Paris, on September 30th. But the wind was in an unfavourable direction for the accomplishment of a long distance record. To some, the English Channel barred the way, to some, the North Sea.The cup offered for the greatest distance covered has been accorded to the American aeronaut, Mr. Frank P. Lahm, who descended 15 miles north of Scarborough.It will be seen in another part of this Journal that in December next, Members of the Aëronautical Society of Great Britain will hear an account of the Gordon-Bennett race from Colonel J. E. Capper, who took part in the race, having accompanied Mr. Rolls in the “ Britannia.” In this account, therefore, it will suffice to merely tabulate the competitors and results.


Author(s):  
Catherine Robson

This chapter resurrects “The Burial of Sir John Moore after Corunna.” Charles Wolfe's poem, a reimagining of the hasty interment of a fallen general after one of the land battles in the Napoleonic wars, was repeatedly quoted by soldiers and other individuals during the American Civil War when they found themselves having to organize, or witness, the burials of dead comrades. In recent years, cultural historians of Great Britain have tried to account for the massive shift in burial and memorial practices for the common soldier that occurred between 1815 and 1915. The chapter argues that the presence of Wolfe's poem in the hearts and minds of ordinary people played its part in creating the social expectations that led to the establishment of the National Cemeteries in the United States, and thus, in due course, the mass memorialization of World War I.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Renshon

This chapter examines whether status concerns lead decision makers to value status more highly by looking at three separate sets of decisions: Russia's decision to aggressively back Serbia in the 1914 July Crisis, Britain's decision to collude with Israel and France in launching the 1956 Suez Crisis, and Gamal Abdel Nasser's 1962 decision to intervene in the Yemen Civil War (and continue to escalate through the rest of the decade). These cases broadly substantiate the patterns found in the Weltpolitik case—decision makers tend to value status more highly due to status concerns—while highlighting the plausibility of several new mechanisms. They also show that status concerns are not confined to European countries, great powers or states in the pre-World War I era. Finally, they reveal the other side of status concerns: state behavior designed to salvage or defend status rather than increase it.


Author(s):  
David M. Edelstein

While Hitler’s Germany in the 1930’s has received abundant attention, this chapter begins earlier in the interwar period. Throughout the 1920’s, Europe’s great powers debated how to manage a defeated Germany that had the latent power potential to again become a great power. This chapter traces how Great Britain, France, and the Soviet Union addressed this challenge. It argues that all three of these European powers preferred to cooperate with Germany in the short-term rather than paying the high cost of competing with Germany when it had uncertain long-term intentions. This explanation based on time horizons is superior to alternative explanations based on either buckpassing or engagement.


Author(s):  
Feisal G. Mohamed

For Marvell sovereignty names the brutal core of political order, where a single ruler, or body of rulers, decides on the state of exception. This recognition is visible in the early, middle, and late stages of his career, from The Picture of Little T.C. and the Villiers elegy, to the Protectorate poems, to the Advice to a Painter poems and An Account of the Growth of Popery. The last of these is illumined by consideration of the case of Shirley v. Fagg (1675); for all that Marvell aligned himself with Shaftesbury, they take different views of the case reflecting their different views of constitutional order. In his mature thought especially, we see Marvell’s impulse to advance the legal rights of the subject and so limit the damage that can be done by the sovereign wielding the power of the sword. This impulse is brought into conversation with Schmitt’s thought on the nature of the pluralist state, which he offers through a critique of Harold Laksi.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document