Status Deficits and War

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Renshon
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
International Conflict ◽  
The United States ◽  
Interstate Conflict ◽  
Reference Groups ◽  
Unique Data ◽  
Interstate Disputes ◽  
Large N ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Militarized Interstate Disputes

This chapter explores the relationship between status deficits and international conflict using empirical evidence drawn from a large-N statistical analysis of the link between status dissatisfaction and war at several degrees of intensity (ranging from crises to interstate conflict). It first considers whether conflict serves as a status-altering event before discussing the connection of status deficits to initiation of war and militarized interstate disputes. It also presents unique data on which comparisons are most salient in motivating international conflict (for example, who powerful states compare themselves to, or whether South Africa and the United States are likely to compare themselves to similar groups of countries. The chapter shows that the types of comparisons that are made—who the “reference groups” are—have important implications for how status concerns are manifested in international politics.

Domestic uncertainty, third-party resolve, and international conflict

2018 ◽  
Vol 55 (4) ◽  
pp. 445-459 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew DiLorenzo ◽  
Bryan Rooney
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
International Conflict ◽  
Third Parties ◽  
Third Party ◽  
The Third ◽  
Interstate Disputes ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
The Third Party ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Militarized Interstate Disputes

Uncertainty about resolve is a well-established rationalist explanation for war. In addition to estimating the resolve of immediate rivals, leaders choose their actions in a crisis based on expectations about how third parties will respond. We argue that leaders will become more likely to develop inconsistent estimates of rivals’ relative capabilities and resolve – and thus will become more likely to fight – when domestic political changes occur in states that are allied with an opponent. We also consider how the relationship between conflict in rivalries and third-party domestic change depends on domestic political institutions in the third party. We argue that this effect should only hold when a challenger does not also share an alliance with the third party, and that the effect should be strongest when the third party is a non-democratic state. We test our theory using a dataset of changes in leaders’ domestic supporting coalitions and data on militarized interstate disputes from 1920 to 2001. Consistent with our hypotheses, we find that the likelihood of conflict increases in rivalries only when domestic coalition changes occur in states that share an alliance with only one member of a rivalry, and that this effect is strongest and most consistent for non-democratic third parties.

Oil, Revolution, and International Conflict: A Toxic Mix

2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (03) ◽  
pp. 613
Author(s):  
Jeff Colgan
Keyword(s):  
International Conflict ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Global Markets ◽  
Contemporary World ◽  
Interstate Disputes ◽  
Empirical Fact ◽  
Oil Exports ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Militarized Interstate Disputes

What is the relationship between oil and international conflict? In an era of increased dependence on, and greater volatility within, global markets for oil and energy, this question is central to understanding contemporary world politics. It is an empirical fact that petrostates—defined as states that have at least 10% of GDP derived from oil exports—are more prone to international conflict than non-petrostates. Indeed, in the period 1965–2001, petrostates engaged in militarized interstate disputes at roughly twice the rate of non-petrostates, on average. What explains this propensity?

Same Evidences, Different Interpretations – A Comparison of the Conflict Index between the Interstate Dyadic Events Data and Militarized Interstate Disputes Data in Peace-Conflict Models

2014 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 347-372
Author(s):  
Scott Y. Lin ◽  
Carlos Seiglie
Keyword(s):  
Regression Analysis ◽  
International Conflict ◽  
Empirical Work ◽  
Interstate Disputes ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Events Data ◽  
Militarized Interstate Disputes

AbstractStudying the determinants of international conflict, researchers have found a series of influential variables, but few have addressed the robustness of the results to changes in the definition of the dependent variable, conflict. The two main sources for operationalizing conflict in empirical work are data on militarized interstate disputes (MIDs) and events data. In this paper, we find that a χ2-test indicates a correlation between events data and MIDs data. However, detailed regression analysis indicates that there are some contradictory findings depending on whether we use events data as opposed to MIDs data to measure conflict.

scholarly journals Corporate governance and performance of listed commercial banks in South Africa

2014 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 677-687
Author(s):  
Sam Ngwenya
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Corporate Governance ◽  
Commercial Banks ◽  
Global Financial Crisis ◽  
The United States ◽  
Executive Directors ◽  
Governance Indicators ◽  
And Performance ◽  
The Global Financial Crisis ◽  
The Relationship

The global financial crisis of 2008 that resulted in the collapse of many financial institutions in the United States (US) and Europe have resulted in debates over the failures of corporate governance structures to properly protect investors. The main objective of the study was to determine the relationship between corporate governance and performance of listed commercial banks in South Africa. The results of the study indicated a statistically positive significant relationship between board size, proportion of non-independent and non-executive directors and bank performance. The results of the rest of the corporate governance indicators are mixed when using different performance measurement variables.

Self-Monitoring, US Presidents, and International Crises

2018 ◽  
pp. 67-102
Author(s):  
Keren Yarhi-Milo
Keyword(s):  
International Conflict ◽  
The Self ◽  
International Crises ◽  
Self Monitoring ◽  
Interstate Disputes ◽  
Militarized Interstate Disputes

This chapter looks at original surveys of sixty-eight presidential historians on the president each had studied in depth. The historians’ survey suggests that American presidents exhibit variation in their self-monitoring dispositions. The chapter then leverages this variation to test statistically whether US presidents’ behavior during international crises is consistent with the expectations of the theory presented in this book. The self-monitoring disposition of a US president is a significant predictor of his likelihood of employing and initiating military instruments to demonstrate resolve during international conflict. Low self-monitor presidents not only engage in less militarized interstate disputes, but they are also significantly less likely to initiate such disputes, compared to high self-monitor presidents. The chapter also presents findings indicating that high self-monitor presidents are more likely to prevail in militarized interstate disputes compared to their low self-monitor counterparts.

Whose Moral Community? Religiosity, Secularity, and Self-rated Health across Communal Religious Contexts

2018 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-199 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel Stroope ◽  
Joseph O. Baker
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Poor Health ◽  
Negative Effects ◽  
Religion And Health ◽  
Self Rated Health ◽  
Unique Data ◽  
Individual Health ◽  
Health Gap ◽  
Health Promoting ◽  
The Relationship

Scholars have long theorized that religious contexts provide health-promoting social integration and regulation. A growing body of literature has documented associations between individual religiosity and health as well as macro–micro linkages between religious contexts, religious participation, and individual health. Using unique data on individuals and county contexts in the United States, this study offers new insight by using multilevel analysis to examine meso–micro relationships between religion and health. We assess whether and how the relationship between individual religiosity and health depends on communal religious contexts. In highly religious contexts, religious individuals are less likely to have poor health, while nonreligious individuals are markedly more likely to have poor health. In less religious contexts, religious and nonreligious individuals report similar levels of health. Consequently, the health gap between religious and nonreligious individuals is largest in religiously devout contexts, primarily due to the negative effects on nonreligious individuals’ health in religious contexts.

Regional Influences on Mediation Behavior

2014 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 285-314
Author(s):  
Derrick V. Frazier ◽  
Andrew P. Owsiak ◽  
Virginia Sanders
Keyword(s):  
Third Parties ◽  
Interstate Conflict ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Regional Bias ◽  
Interstate Disputes ◽  
Regional Factors ◽  
Security Concerns ◽  
Militarized Interstate Disputes ◽  
Common Security

Research on interstate mediation tends to assume (implicitly) that regional factors have little effect on the occurrence of mediation. We relax this assumption and advance an explicit regional theory of mediation in which regional ties create a type of bias that motivates both (potential) third parties to mediate conflicts within their region and disputants to select or accept these regional actors as mediators more frequently than non-regional actors. This bias first appears when states belong to the same region. In such situations, the potential third party and disputants likely understand one another better and share common security concerns. Yet regional membership does not explain the variation in mediation behavior within regions. To account for this, we argue that regionally more powerful states, as well as those that share (regional) institutional memberships with the disputants, have greater incentives to mediate than some regional counterparts. We empirically test the effect of these characteristics on the likelihood of mediation in militarized interstate disputes during the period 1946–2000. Our findings uncover support for our argument and suggest that accounting for regional bias is important in explaining mediation patterns in interstate conflict.

Partisanship, Militarized International Conflict, and Electoral Support for the Incumbent

2017 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 172-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shane P. Singh ◽  
Jaroslav Tir
Keyword(s):  
Political Behavior ◽  
Comparative Politics ◽  
International Conflict ◽  
Vote Choice ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Interstate Disputes ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Level Data ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Militarized Interstate Disputes

Comparative politics scholarship often neglects to consider how militarized interstate disputes (MIDs) shape political behavior. In this project, we advance an argument that considers voter responses to international conflict at the individual level. In particular, we consider how the well-known conditioning effects of partisanship manifest in relation to militarized international conflict. Examining individual- and macro-level data across ninety-seven elections in forty-two countries over the 1996–2011 period, we find consistent evidence of militarized conflict impacting vote choice. This relationship is, however, moderated by partisanship, conflict side (initiator or target), and conflict hostility level. Among non-copartisan voters, the incumbent benefits the most electorally from initiating low-hostility MIDs or when the country is a target of a high-hostility MID; the opposite scenarios (initiator of a high-hostility MID or target of a low-hostility MID) lead to punishment among this voter group. Copartisans, meanwhile, tend to either maintain or intensify their support in most scenarios we examine; when a country is targeted in a low-hostility MID, copartisan support erodes mildly.

scholarly journals Oil and Revolutionary Governments: Fuel for International Conflict

2010 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 661-694 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeff D. Colgan
Keyword(s):  
Quantitative Data ◽  
International Conflict ◽  
International Peace ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Conventional View ◽  
Interstate Disputes ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
Militarized Interstate Disputes ◽  
Competition For Resources

AbstractOil-exporting states, or petrostates, engage in militarized interstate disputes (MIDs) at a much higher rate on average than nonpetrostates. Why is this so? Further, what explains the variation among the petrostates in adopting aggressive foreign policies and engaging in MIDs on that basis? This article develops a theory that proposes that revolutionary petrostates have a higher propensity to launch MIDs than comparable nonpetrostates. This theory is tested with statistical analysis using a new quantitative data set that identifies revolutionary governments in the period 1945–2001. The results show that petro-revolutionary governments constitute a special threat to international peace and security. This evidence of resource-backed aggression challenges the conventional view of petrostates as the targets of international competition for resources.

South Africa in Namibia: Persistence, Misperception, and Ultimate Failure

1982 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 689-712
Author(s):  
John Seiler
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
South Africa ◽  
International Conflict ◽  
Ronald Reagan ◽  
The United States ◽  
Jimmy Carter ◽  
Low Level ◽  
Peaceful Resolution ◽  
Ultimate Failure ◽  
Political Economic

Peaceful resolution of the international conflict over Namibia has been a significant preoccupation of the United States and its four partners in the western contact group since April 1977, but neither the efforts led by the Administration of Jimmy Carter nor the very different approach taken by Ronald Reagan has succeeded. To the contrary, prospects for peaceful change in Namibia are ebbing. The present stalemate in negotiations is unlikely to be resolved before the end of Reagan's first term in January 1985. In the meantime, the territory's political, economic, and social circumstances will continue to stagnate, and the low-level and intermittent fighting in the northern operational areas will probably expand in scope and costs.

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