scholarly journals Between De Jure and De Facto Statehood: Revisiting the Status Issue for Taiwan

2008 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-128
Author(s):  
Barry Bartmann
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
Territorial Integrity ◽  
International Support ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
International Response ◽  
Island State ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Republic

This paper revisits the status prospects for Taiwan in light of recent events in Kosovo and Tibet. In both cases, and certainly in Taiwan itself, the long standing contest between claims for self determination and the tenacious defence of the principle of the territorial integrity of states has emerged once again to dominate the analysis of these cases. This contest is particularly dramatic in the divided international response to the independence of Kosovo. In the case of Tibet, widespread international support for Tibet is in sharp contrast to the furious and determined resistance of China. Taiwan’s anomalous status remains that of a legal sovereign state, the Republic of China, enjoying some measure of recognition and formal diplomacy and a de facto state whose international relations are confined to paradiplomatic channels, extensive though they are. The paper considers the prospects for changes in the current anomalous status of the island state.

scholarly journals Origin, establishment and development of the idea of self-determination of peoples

2021 ◽  
pp. 60-73
Author(s):  
Azer Kagraman Ogly Kagramanov
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
International Law ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Modern World ◽  
Territorial Integrity ◽  
The World ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Right

The subject of this research is the examination of evolution of the idea of self-determination of peoples based on the fundamental works of the Russian and foreign scholars, thinkers of the antiquity and modernity. The author considers the transformations experienced by the principle of self-determination at various historical stages of development; as well as builds a corresponding systems of the development cycles. The conclusion is made that after conception of the idea of self-determination, the colonial powers viewed this concept as ethical, seeing the threat to legitimacy of the established order. Therefore, throughout almost a century, the leading countries refused to include this right into the corresponding international and domestic documents. The main conclusions are as follows: after consolidation of the principle in the Charter of the United Nations, it became the foundation for the emergence of news states and destruction of the colonial world; the principle served as a leitmotif for the development of human rights and international relations, but at the same time became a threat and challenge to the territorial integrity; wars between the countries are replaced with the civil and interethnic conflicts; the world is captured with such phenomena as state nationalism that subsequently grew into extremely radical forms, such as fascism and Nazism; the modern international law actively promotes the two competing principles – territorial integrity and self-determination; in modern world, the right to self-determination is not limited by peoples under the colonial past – there occur new forms of self-determination that threaten the existence of sovereign states. Uncertainty of the status of the newly emerged states formations serves as the source of domestic and international tension, which inevitably leads to intergovernmental clashes and negatively impacts geopolitical situation in separate regions and in the world as a whole.

Self-Determination and Territorial Integrity: Southern Cameroons and the Republic of Cameroun

2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 629-653
Author(s):  
Valerie Muguoh Chiatoh
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Third World ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Territorial Integrity ◽  
Present Issue ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Relationship

African states and institutions believe that the principle of territorial integrity is applicable to sub-state groups and limits their right to self-determination, contrary to international law. The Anglophone Problem in Cameroon has been an ever-present issue of social, political and economic debates in the country, albeit most times in undertones. This changed as the problem metamorphosed into an otherwise preventable devastating armed conflict with external self-determination having become very popular among the Anglophone People. This situation brings to light the drawbacks of irregular decolonisation, third world colonialism and especially the relationship between self-determination and territorial integrity in Africa.

scholarly journals Head of State: Function of the President of the Republic of Belarus

Lex Russica ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 148-160
Author(s):  
I. G. Skorokhod
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
International Relations ◽  
The State ◽  
State Function ◽  
Organizational Forms ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Legitimate State ◽  
State Body

According to the author of the paper, the head of state is not a position, not a title, not any state body, but the function of the President of the Republic of Belarus, along with the function of the guarantor of the Constitution, human and civil rights and freedoms. The function of the head of state is unchanged and is due to his position in the system of state authorities. This function manifests the nature and essence of the institution of the presidency, which cannot be reduced to specific actions or practices, therefore, it is implemented through the exercise of powers in various organizational forms. In this regard, the concept of “president”, unlike “head of state”, is not static, but dynamic, since the list of rights and duties of the President of the Republic of Belarus is open.Powers are unambiguous, substantive rights and duties of the President, legitimized from the functions and expressed in various organizational forms of his activities. At the same time, the characteristics of the President’s powers can only show the external side of his activities. The powers of the President, in contrast to the functions, are a variable value. The President through representative, legitimation, arbitration, control, rulemaking, personnel, integration, symbolist and ceremonial state powers carries out the function of the head of state.The function of the head of state is the superiority and precedence of the President over all state officials. In accordance with it, the idea of the Republic of Belarus is personified. This function allows the President of the Republic of Belarus to be the main public representative and act on behalf of the Belarusian state both within it and in international relations. This is the result of the state obtaining the status of a legitimate state, the continuity and interaction of state authorities, mediation between them. The constitutional function of the head of state makes it necessary for the President to have instruments of power-state bodies operating within this function.

‘What, Then, of the Land’?: Territoriality, International Law, and the Republic of New Afrika

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Sam Klug
Keyword(s):  
African American ◽  
International Law ◽  
International Society ◽  
National Development ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
Legal Personality ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Postcolonial States ◽  
International Legal Personality

Abstract This article charts how African American appeals to international law shifted away from a politics of petition to a politics of sovereignty with the growing influence of postcolonial states in international society and the UN’s recognition of a right to self-determination. Whereas earlier efforts by African-descended peoples in the Americas to gain a hearing before international bodies often required pushing the boundaries of international legal personality to include entities other than states, in the late 1960s and early 1970s a black nationalist group called the Republic of New Afrika (RNA) pursued international subjectivity in its traditional and fullest form: as a sovereign state. Examining the writings of RNA leaders, especially Imari Obadele, this article explores how the group’s claims for territory, reparations, and international subjectivity relied on international legal discourse about plebiscites, self-determination, and national development.

The Portuguese Republic and the People’s Republic of China: Impact and Trends of Economic Diplomacy

2020 ◽  
Vol 03 (02) ◽  
pp. 2050003
Author(s):  
Francisco B. S. José Leandro ◽  
Danilo Lemos Henriques
Keyword(s):  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Economic Diplomacy ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Relationship

This paper will examine the interplay and relationship between bilateral diplomatic relations and economic relations through the lens of political factors, examining the concrete case of the Republic of Portugal and the People’s Republic of China. It will consider their common past — the nations’ historical similarities, their common aims and ideological differences, and analyze the alignment and the synergy developed in the modern era in developing common platforms of aims and will, in terms of political agenda-setting, such as through the issue of the status of the territory of Macao and the relationship with Portuguese-speaking countries (PSCs). It further analyzes the past few decades through the signing of diplomatic protocols, engaged bilateral and multilateral economic diplomacies, and growing commerce and trade links to identify the key trends and extrapolate relevant correlations. We examine the progresses in the relationship between the advancement of Sino-Portuguese diplomatic relations and the development of economic interplay post the 1979 period, following the formal establishment of bilateral diplomatic relations. We argue in favor of an existing positive correlation between acts of economic diplomacy and the development of bilateral economic relations. This paper presents a methodological, theoretical-inductive, and constructivist perspective, combining qualitative, quantitative, and non-participated observation.

“Imagined Territory: The Republic of China’s 1955 Veto of Mongolian Membership in the United Nations”

2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 263-295
Author(s):  
Keith Allan Clark II
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United Nations ◽  
The United States ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Public ◽  
The World ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Republic

In 1955, Jiang Tingfu, representing the Republic of China (roc), vetoed Mongolia’s entry into the United Nations. In the 26 years the roc represented China in the United Nations, it only cast this one veto. The roc’s veto was a contentious move because Taipei had recognized Mongolia as a sovereign state in 1946. A majority of the world body, including the United States, favored Mongolia’s admission as part of a deal to end the international organization’s deadlocked-admissions problem. The roc’s veto placed it not only in opposition to the United Nations but also its primary benefactor. This article describes the public and private discourse surrounding this event to analyze how roc representatives portrayed the veto and what they thought Mongolian admission to the United Nations represented. It also examines international reactions to Taipei’s claims and veto. It argues that in 1955 Mongolia became a synecdoche for all of China that Taipei claimed to represent, and therefore roc representatives could not acknowledge it as a sovereign state.

Taiwan's Security: Maintaining Deterrence Amid Political Accountability

1996 ◽  
Vol 148 ◽  
pp. 1284-1318 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Shambaugh
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
National Security ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Domestic Life ◽  
Mainland Chinese ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Republic ◽  
International Profile ◽  
International Status

The international relations scholar Arnold Wolfers once noted that national security was an “ambiguous symbol.” While the Republic of China on Taiwan's (hereafter ROCOT or Taiwan) international status has certainly been ambiguous in recent years, its security has been crystal clear. Taiwan has lived under the threat of military attack or other coercive measures from the People's Republic of China (PRC) since 1949. The mainland Chinese authorities have repeatedly refused to renounce the use of force against Taiwan, claiming it a potentially necessary tool to reunify what it considers to be a renegade province with the “motherland.” As long as Taiwan lives under the threat of military force and coercion from the PRC, this will have a defining impact on the island's domestic life and international profile.

scholarly journals Geopolitical Location of the Republic of Azerbaijan: temporal and Spatial Changes

2020 ◽  
pp. 246-260
Author(s):  
Aydin I. Ibrahimov ◽  
◽  
Gulzar M. Ismaylova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The West ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
Fixed Element ◽  
Republican Period ◽  
The Third ◽  
Spatial Changes ◽  
The Status ◽  
Similarities And Differences ◽  
Temporal And Spatial ◽  
The Republic

For instance, the evolution of the Republic of Azerbaijan was examined in three different periods. The first one is the republican period (1918–1920); the second one is the sovereign state period (1920–1991); and the third one is the period since 1991. Each period was compared with the others and the similarities and differences experienced in the geopolitics of the country were evaluated. Three main lines are clearly seen in the geopolitics conducted approximately throughout the last century by different Azerbaijans. Firstly, the main geopolitical competitor is the Republic of Armenia; secondly, the competition taking place in the region between Russia and the West creates the atmosphere which influences the geopolitical behaviors; and thirdly, the fixed element which determines the status of the country is the energy resources.

The Chinese Institute of International Relations

1968 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 144-144
Author(s):  
Hungdah Chiu
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Private Research ◽  
The Republic Of China ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Private Research Institute ◽  
Research Institute ◽  
Analysis And Study

The Institute of International Relations is a private research institute organized by scholars in the Republic of China. Its object is to study Chinese Communist affairs and other international problems. The Institute sponsors several seminars a year to discuss various problems of current international affairs. It publishes two monthly periodicals in Chinese: (1) Wen-t’i yü yen-chiù [Problems and Research] ; and (2) Fei-chin yiieh-pao [Chinese Communist Affairs Monthly]. In 1964, it began to publish an English monthly entitled Issues and Studies, which devotes most of its space to the analysis and study of Chinese Communists. The Institute also publishes books on various problems of Chinese Communists.

scholarly journals Russian Discourse on Borders and Territorial Questions – Crimea as a Watershed?

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-241 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tuomas Forsberg ◽  
Sirke Mäkinen
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Ad Hoc ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Historical Evolution ◽  
Territorial Integrity ◽  
The Status ◽  
Basic Norm ◽  
The Cold War

This article addresses the question of how the Crimean case relates to Russia’s general understanding of territorial questions and border regimes. We examine the historical evolution of Russian discourse on borders and territorial questions and investigate to what extent they can explain Russia’s decision to annex Crimea. We will look into the principles of inviolability of borders and territorial integrity that sustain the status quo, and how this has been challenged by three partly interlinked doctrines: national self-determination, geopolitics, and historical rights. We argue that the discourse on territorial integrity and the status quo has predominated in Russia since the Cold War, and that this has not changed fundamentally, either before or after the annexation of Crimea. Russia does not seem to want to abolish the existing norms altogether or to advocate any clearly articulated reformist agenda. Rather, it picks and chooses arguments on an ad hoc basis, imitating Western positions in some other cases when departing from the basic norm of the status quo. Hence, we claim that Russia’s territorial revisionism is reactive, self-serving, and constrained by the desire to avoid changing the status quo doctrine to any great extent.

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