scholarly journals FORMASI PUBLIC SPHERE DALAM MASYARAKAT TRANSISIONAL (Studi Kasus Penyusunan Peraturan Daerah Nomor 3 Tahun 2007 Tentang Limbah Padat di Kabupaten Luwu Timur, Provinsi Sulawesi Selatan)

CosmoGov ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 232
Author(s):  
Jannus Timbo Halomoan Siahaan

The public sphere popularized by Jurgen Habermas is the result of a review of the reality of 18th century European society. In his work, Habermas mentions that capitalism at that time succeeded in liberating European society from its dependence on the influence of feudalism imposed by the church and monarchy, whose form was a community discussion room aimed at critiquing traditional power (Church and Kingdom). In other words, the power of capitalism has succeeded in creating a space of social debate that was once influenced by feudal power until it switched to a social area free from the domination of feudal power where in that public sphere society has a right in giving criticisms of social problems. If in Europe the development of the public sphere is influenced by the development of capitalism, then what about the implementation of the public sphere in transitional society in Indonesia or especially in the East Luwu community? This paper seeks to explore how the implementation of public space as a concept in transitional society, especially in the East Luwu region in particular related to the process of making a Regional Regulation no. 03 of 2007 on Hazardous Solid Waste. The results of field research indicate that people are still having difficulty in accessing information related to policies related to public life in real terms. At the same time, the government itself also difficulties in distributing information that is actually needed by the community. The government, the DPRD or the people of East Luwu have indeed agreed to provide a discussion space to the public regarding the making of the solid waste management regulation. However, the implementation did not find the appropriate way from the formulation process until the socialization of a local regulation.

2020 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 678-705
Author(s):  
Di Wang ◽  
Sida Liu

In authoritarian contexts where the state is the primary performer in the public sphere and legal mobilization is constrained and repressed, activists often seek to carve out a public space to confront the frontstage and backstage of the state’s performance in order to pursue collective action. Comparing the online legal mobilization of feminist and lawyer activists in China, this article investigates how performance arts are used by activists to challenge the authoritarian state in the age of social media. Performing “artivism” is to create conspicuous spectacles in the public eye for the purposes of exposing the state’s illegal or repressive backstage actions or promoting alternative values and norms different from the official ideology. By subversively disrupting the evidential boundaries set by the state, Chinese activists have been able to gain momentum and public support for their legal mobilization. However, it was precisely the success of their artivism that contributed to the government crackdowns on both feminists and lawyers in 2015.


Author(s):  
Alla Drozdova ◽  
◽  
Natalia Stepanova ◽  

Today, we have a situation that the new media environment has reshaped our conception of reality while changing social spaces, modes of existence, and the functional mechanisms of the private sphere. In the space of new media, the boundary between privacy and publicity is redefined with the emergence of multiple network communities having become a subject of observation and evaluation, collective discussions, and even third party interventions. In the current situation, the privacy/publicity boundary can be defined both through the societal/the individual, and through such concepts as visible/invisible. The new media era sees the personification of online publicness, therefore the very sphere of private life gets consumed by the public sphere open both for being discussed and for being controlled by the government, market, and advertisement. The public sphere has fallen under the power of certain private/vested interests, which only transiently become common, coinciding with the interests of other groups, but not the public sphere. The ambivalent nature of new media, while based on personalisation and filtration, obviously determines the ambiguous and controversial relationship of the public and the private. Thus, the private not only reflects, but also represents the public, whereas the public implements privacy up to its inherent special intimate atmosphere and intonation. This fast-changing virtual reality requires the development of conceptual tools for analysing new content and forms of social and personal life, one of which is the relationship between publicity and privacy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 77 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ridwan Ridwan ◽  
Muhammad Fuad Zain

The fasting and Eid al-Fitr celebration has a strong public dimension for their traditional characteristics in Islamic communal celebrations. This study used field research from interviews with the two largest mass organisations in Indonesia, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah, and the statements of mass media. This research shows that contestation of religious symbols is not something that needs to be debated but it should broaden the understanding of the differences that must be respected in order to build brotherhood not, division. Contestation of religious symbols between the hisab [astronomical calculations] and the ru’yat[sighting a new crescent moon] is a competition between religious organisations, to strengthen their position, social legitimacy and religious authority in the public sphere. The government has to take the initiative to compromise the policy between the two Islamic organisations to reach a methodological agreement in order to minimise social tensions.Contribution: This article proposed that understanding the ru’yat and hisab as a symbol of contestation becomes an attribute of religious organisations and part of organisational behaviour and culture.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 43-62
Author(s):  
Wisam Kh. Abdul-Jabbar

This study explores Habermas’s work in terms of the relevance of his theory of the public sphere to the politics and poetics of the Arab oral tradition and its pedagogical practices. In what ways and forms does Arab heritage inform a public sphere of resistance or dissent? How does Habermas’s notion of the public space help or hinder a better understanding of the Arab oral tradition within the sociopolitical and educational landscape of the Arabic-speaking world? This study also explores the pedagogical implications of teaching Arab orality within the context of the public sphere as a contested site that informs a mode of resistance against social inequality and sociopolitical exclusions.


Author(s):  
Natalia Kostenko

The subject matter of research interest here is the movement of sociological reflection concerning the interplay of public and private realms in social, political and individual life. The focus is on the boundary constructs embodying publicity, which are, first of all, classical models of the space of appearance for free citizens of the polis (H. Arendt) and the public sphere organised by communicative rationality (Ju. Habermas). Alternative patterns are present in modern ideas pertaining to the significance of biological component in public space in the context of biopolitics (M. Foucault), “inclusive exclusion of bare life” (G. Agamben), as well as performativity of corporeal and linguistic experience related to the right to participate in civil acts such as popular assembly (J. Butler), where the established distinctions between the public and the private are levelled, and the interrelationship of these two realms becomes reconfigured. Once the new media have come into play, both the structure and nature of the public sphere becomes modified. What assumes a decisive role is people’s physical interaction with online communication gadgets, which instantly connect information networks along various trajectories. However, the rapid development of information technology produces particular risks related to the control of communications industry, leaving both public and private realms unprotected and deforming them. This also urges us to rethink the issue of congruence of the two ideas such as transparency of societies and security.


2021 ◽  
pp. 239965442110338
Author(s):  
David Jenkins ◽  
Lipin Ram

Public space is often understood as an important ‘node’ of the public sphere. Typically, theorists of public space argue that it is through the trust, civility and openness to others which citizens cultivate within a democracy’s public spaces, that they learn how to relate to one another as fellow members of a shared polity. However, such theorizing fails to articulate how these democratic comportments learned within public spaces relate to the public sphere’s purported role in holding state power to account. In this paper, we examine the ways in which what we call ‘partisan interventions’ into public space can correct for this gap. Using the example of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPIM), we argue that the ways in which CPIM partisans actively cultivate sites of historical regional importance – such as in the village of Kayyur – should be understood as an aspect of the party’s more general concern to present itself to citizens as an agent both capable and worthy of wielding state power. Drawing on histories of supreme partisan contribution and sacrifice, the party influences the ideational background – in competition with other parties – against which it stakes its claims to democratic legitimacy. In contrast to those theorizations of public space that celebrate its separateness from the institutions of formal democratic politics and the state more broadly, the CPIM’s partisan interventions demonstrate how parties’ locations at the intersections of the state and civil society can connect the public sphere to its task of holding state power to account, thereby bringing the explicitly political questions of democratic legitimacy into the everyday spaces of a political community.


2021 ◽  
pp. 095715582110091
Author(s):  
Ramona Mielusel

In this article, I am looking at two popular ‘ethnic’ comedies, L’Italien (2010) and Mohamed Dubois (2013), that promote dialogue and conviviality between Franco-Maghrebi and Franco-French people in France while questioning the societal feasibility of legislative measures of inclusiveness, visibility and equality of chances promoted by the government in the late 1990s and early 2000s. Considering some challenges in the representations, the comedies offer, at times, a social critique of certain stereotypical views on Islam and the destiny of Muslims on French soil, but they conclude in an optimistic tone supporting the idea that there is cultural métissage in France and that Muslims and Christians do mix in today’s diverse France. The popularity of these comedies attests to the fact that there is a need to bring up the issues of Islam in France and of the cohabitation between Muslims and Christian French citizens in the public sphere. I suggest however that while the Franco-Maghrebi’s ‘essentialist identity’ is challenged in the films, there are still neo-colonialist tensions in the artistic productions that entail ambivalence towards the Muslim characters. In a Franco-French dominated film-consuming culture, the Franco-Maghrebi characters are still subject to mimicry, which consistently maintains their subordinate position in the French culture.


2011 ◽  
Vol 15 (1, 2 & 3) ◽  
pp. 2006
Author(s):  
Benjamin L. Berger

The relationship between law and religion in contemporary civil society has been a topic of increasing social interest and importance in Canada in the past many years. We have seen the practices and commitments of religious groups and individuals become highly salient on many issues of public policy, including the nature of the institution of marriage, the content of public education, and the uses of public space, to name just a few. As the vehicle for this discussion, I want to ask a straightforward question: When we listen to our public discourse, what is the story that we hear about the relationship between law and religion? How does this topic tend to be spoken about in law and politics – what is our idiom around this issue – and does this story serve us well? Though straightforward, this question has gone all but unanswered in our political and academic discussions. We take for granted our approach to speaking about – and, therefore, our way of thinking about – the relationship between law and religion. In my view, this is most unfortunate because this taken-for-grantedness is the source of our failure to properly understand the critically important relationship between law and religion.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 277
Author(s):  
Azkiyatul Afia

The culture of interactive dialogue in seeking an agreement in determining shari’a law that still requires detailed mediation in the public space referred to in Bahstul matsail. Scientific forums that are more familiar with this matter, are accommodated by the Al Amien Kediri Islamic Boarding School, where there are ulama’, religious teachers, and forum participants as a complement in determining a law that is still multi-interpretation. The agreement will be the basis of one law that is still biased, so that it indicates an agreement called Ijma’. The existence of mutualism symbiosis between the elements of Bahstul matsail is interesting in Habermas’s study of public space in delivering ideas and opinions. Habermas in the public sphere sees that there is a dominance of communicative actions, one of them is social statification from Bahstul matsail participants in Habermas “bourgeois public space” where the domination of scholarship in more to the ulama because it is considered more understandable about Shari’a law.Budaya dialog interaktif dalam mencari sebuah kesepakatan dalam menetukan hukum syariat yang masih membutuhkan penjelasan secara rinci termediasi dalam ruang public yang di sebut dengan Bahtsul matsail. Forum ilmiah yang lebih akrab untuk hal ini, diwadahi oleh pondok pesantren Al-amin Kediri, dimana terdapat ulama’, ustadz dan peserta forum sebagai pelengkap dalam menentukan sebuah hukum yang masih multi tafsir. Kesepakatan akan menjadi dasar dari satu hukum yang masih bias, sehingga berindikasi kepada satu kesepakatan yang di sebut ijma’. Adanya symbiosis mutualisme antara elemen Bahtsul matsail menjadi menarik dalam kajian ruang public Habermas dalam penyampaian gagasan, ide dan pendapat. Habermas dalam ruang public melihat ada dominasi tindakan komunikatif salah satunya, statifikasi social dari peserta Bahsul matsail dalam Bahasa Habermas “Ruang public borjuis” dimana dominasi keilmuan lebih pada ulama lantaran dianggap lebih faham tentang hukum syariat. 


2009 ◽  
pp. 126-139
Author(s):  
Marco Cremaschi

- The research on public space is characterized by four different concepts: first, the equivalence between public space and public sphere, directly impinging upon politics; second, the history and construction of social identities, where memory plays a central role; third, the encounter with strangers that should educate to tolerance; fourth, the practice of living together, at the foundation both of urbanity and civil respect. The first three concepts state that public space is eroded, due to the privatization of the public sphere. The last one criticizes this belief, and suggests instead investigating the field of practices that combine resistance to urban change, and the experimentation of new forms of urbanity.Key words: public space, urbanity, planning, social practices, cities, inclusion.Parole chiave: housing, planning, abitare, pratiche sociali, istituzionalizzazione, cornici cognitive.


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