scholarly journals Building a Local Administration Abroad

Administory ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-87
Author(s):  
Mathieu Jestin

Abstract Consulates, both in the 19th century and today, exist in a sort of hybrid space: Established by one sovereign entity in the territory of another, on the basis of exterritorial concessions, they depend on not one but two sets of legislation without being wholly defined by either one. This paper takes a local approach to a global phenomenon by considering the French consulate in Salonica (Thessaloniki) from the late 18th to the early 20th century from the perspective of a ›history of administrative reality‹. It shows how this consulate was located at the intersection of two state-building projects: those of France and the Ottoman Empire, both vying for control of the local space in which the consulate was active. While the French state strove to integrate its consulates into the internal logic of its expanding bureaucracy, and thus to extend its legal space beyond the borders of its own territory, the modernizing efforts of the Empire tended to reduce the immunities of exterritorial institutions with a view toward homogenizing and effectively controlling imperial space. The gaps and conflicts between the rival state-building agendas, as well as local factors beyond the control of either, created a local reality in which the consular personnel had the challenge and the opportunity to shape their own space of action. In this way, the consular district appears as a spatial entity somewhat resembling a state in miniature.

Author(s):  
Nader Sohrabi

The history of both modern Turkey and modern Iran have often been told through their founding figures, Atatürk and Reza Shah, whose state-building projects are often assumed to have been similar. This chapter compares the Young Turk Revolution in the Ottoman Empire of 1908 with the Constitutional Revolution in Iran in 1906 to point to both similarities and differences in the trajectories of these two countries in the early twentieth century. Both revolutions, it is argued, were foundational moments for the political development and processes of each country and are key to understanding the context in which Atatürk and Reza Shah emerged.


Author(s):  
Atiaf Alwazir

The history of both modern Turkey and modern Iran have often been told through their founding figures, Atatürk and Reza Shah, whose state-building projects are often assumed to have been similar. This chapter compares the Young Turk Revolution in the Ottoman Empire of 1908 with the Constitutional Revolution in Iran in 1906 to point to both similarities and differences in the trajectories of these two countries in the early twentieth century. Both revolutions, it is argued, were foundational moments for the political development and processes of each country and are key to understanding the context in which Atatürk and Reza Shah emerged.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-127
Author(s):  
Leah Bornstein-Makovetsky

This article discusses the biographies and economic and public activities of the Ḥatim family in Istanbul in the late 18th century and throughout the 19th century. Most of the attention is focused on R. Shlomo Ḥatim and his son Yitsḥak, who were members of the Jewish elite in Istanbul and settled in Jerusalem at the ends of their lives. R. Shlomo, who is said to have served the Ottoman authorities in Istanbul, settled in Jerusalem more than ten years before the leaders of the Jewish economic elite in Istanbul were executed in the 1820s. His son, surviving this purge, followed much later, immigrating to Israel in 1846, but died immediately thereafter. This article provides insights into the business activities of the Ḥatim family, as well as the activities of Yitsḥak Ḥatim as an Ottoman official in Istanbul. I also discuss two more generations of this family, considered an elite, privileged one, and that was highly esteemed among well-known rabbis in the Ottoman Empire. I also discuss the ties that developed between the communities of Istanbul and Jerusalem in the first half of the 19th century as a result of initiatives of officials in Istanbul and of immigration from Istanbul to Jerusalem.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henning Sievert

This study examines the production of knowledge on Tripolitania, Benghazi and Fezzan by the late Ottoman state, the ways in which local subjects and imperial officials communicated and what kind of agency they had. They operated in a continuum between a discourse of civilisation and complete political integration, between ambitious aspirations and prosaic practice. Ongoing processes of state building at the same time increasingly necessitated the employment of intermediaries that the Italian colonial regime after 1911 would lack. By looking at knowledge, communication and micropolitics in these remote parts of the realm, the study contributes to the history of both Libya and the Ottoman Empire as a whole.


2008 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 197-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephanie Cronin

In the first decades of the nineteenth century, when the Middle East and North Africa first began to attract the sustained attention of European imperialism and colonialism, Arab, Ottoman Turkish, and Iranian polities began a protracted experiment with army modernization. These decades saw a mania in the Middle East for the import of European methods of military organization and techniques of warfare. Everywhere, in the Ottoman Empire, North Africa, Egypt, and Iran, nizam-i jadid (new order) regiments sprang up, sometimes on the ruins of older military formations, sometimes alongside them, unleashing a process of military-led modernization that was to characterize state-building projects throughout the region until well into the twentieth century. The ruling dynasties in these regions embarked on army reform in a desperate effort to strengthen their defensive capacity, and to resist growing European hegemony and direct or indirect control by imitating European methods of military organization and warfare. Almost every indigenous ruler who succeeded in evading or warding off direct European control, from the sultans of pre-Protectorate Morocco in the west to the shahs of the Qajar dynasty in Iran in the east, invited European officers, sometimes as individuals, sometimes as formal missions, to assist with building a modern army. With the help of these officers, Middle Eastern rulers thus sought to appropriate the secrets of European power.


2018 ◽  
pp. 31-57
Author(s):  
Insa Lee Koch

Chapter 1 provides a political history of council estates. Built in the inter- and post-war decades as homes for the working classes, council estates have often been seen as a central pillar of the British welfare state. This chapter argues that far from being only about the provision of bricks and mortar, council estates were always projects of state-building that were tied to class segregation and class control. In the post-war decades, paternalistic policies ensured that working-class tenants were living up to state-sponsored standards of respectability. This legacy of classed state control became more pronounced under neoliberal governance in the 1980s, and from the mid-1990s onwards, under the ‘law and order’ state, and most recently, with the shift to ‘austerity politics’. A political history of council estates challenges the dichotomy of a ‘golden era’ of post-war social democracy and the subsequent punitive turn by foregrounding a legacy of classed control both across historical periods and across areas of policy making that are not often considered together.


2021 ◽  
pp. 105-120
Author(s):  
Akhmed K. Chapanov ◽  

The article analyzes the role of Austrian and Hungarian researchers of the 19th – 20th centuries in studying the history of the Ottoman Empire. It is noted that the earliest publications of the Ottoman documents were made in the first half of the 19th century. The orientalists J. von Hammer-Purgstall, A. Geway and A. Vambery made a significant contribution to the search for and use of archival documents during this period. In the first half of the 20th century, the Turkish scientists, with the active assistance of several European Orientalists, such as I. Karachon, P. Wittek and L.Fekete, began to reveal the contents of some Ottoman archives and systematize the documents. As a result of the activities of these researchers, a new stage was set in the study of the Ottoman history, diplomacy, and paleography, as well as in the development of archives administration in Turkey. The author concludes that the publication of the Ottoman documents, which contain valuable information about the socio-economic and political life of all the peoples of the Empire, contributed to the further scientific interest and analysis of the Ottoman documents. The studies conducted by the AustroHungarian scientists revealed that the archives of Turkey contain a large number of valuable materials that are important for studies in the history of the Turkish people and the peoples of the Arab countries, the Balkans, Iran, the Caucasus and all the countries that were under the Ottoman rule.


2021 ◽  

The Ottoman Empire has long been a marginal subject in both the history and theory of international law. With the imperial turn in historiography and the postcolonial turn to history in legal studies, researchers challenge the stereotype of “the Sick Man of Europe,” paying due attention to the Ottomans’ own understanding of international law and society. Most importantly, throughout its centuries-long existence, the Ottoman Empire did not find itself vis-à-vis a monolithic, stable, and ready-made set of rules and ideas we today refer to as international law. On the contrary, interactions with the Ottomans—the Other par excellence for Christian Europe—helped transform droit public européen into modern international law. Neither the Islamic nor the Christian precepts predetermined this course of events. “Islamic” explanation was of little help in understanding the Ottomans’ relationship with the European powers. Notwithstanding the Islamic ideal of Holy War, the Ottoman Empire was among the key actors in the European balance of power. In the 19th century, however, Europeans increasingly established discrimination against Muslim Ottomans as a rule in international law, rarely perceiving their desire to be a full member of international society. Overall, the Ottoman Empire offers a fresh perspective for a truly universal history of international law.


Author(s):  
Batuhan Güvemli

When the need for industrialization surfaced in the 19th century, Ottoman Empire aimed to establish state-led, profit-oriented enterprises after the Imperial Edict of 1839, which is also known as Tanzimat. Experienced accountants of the state tried to do the investment calculations of an iron factory in the 1840s (Istanbul) by benefiting from the merdiban accounting method, which was initially developed to record the revenues and expenditures of the state. This study contributes to the relevant literature by analyzing the adequacy of this statist-centralist accounting method within a profit-oriented environment and its role in this failed attempt towards industrialization. Merdiban allows the separation of investments as actual construction, still projected and shows the payment status of investments in details. As one of the first profit oriented investment project in the history of the Ottoman Empire, accountants mislead critical pieces of information like plans for procurement of raw materials, projected sales, payback time, capacity and depreciation. Findings indicate that neither accountants nor the method were ready to operate in a for-profit organization, eventually resulting diminish of this old accounting method in 1879.Cuando en el siglo XIX surgió la necesidad de la industrialización, el Imperio Otomano se propuso establecer empresas dirigidas por el estado y con fines de lucro después del Edicto Imperial de 1839, también conocido como Tanzimat. Contadores experimentados del estado intentaron hacer los cálculos de inversión de una fábrica de hierro en la década de 1840 (Estambul) al beneficiarse del método de contabilidad merdiban, que se desarrolló inicialmente para registrar los ingresos y los gastos del estado. Este estudio contribuye a la literatura relevante mediante el análisis de la adecuación de este método de contabilidad estatista-centralista dentro de un entorno orientado a los beneficios y su papel en este intento fallido de industrialización. Merdiban permite la separación de las inversiones como construcción real, aún se proyecta y muestra el estado de pago de las inversiones en detalles. Como uno de los primeros proyectos de inversión con fines de lucro en la historia del Imperio Otomano, los contadores confunden datos críticos como los planes para la adquisición de materias primas, las ventas proyectadas, el tiempo de retorno, la capacidad y la depreciación. Los resultados indican que ni los contadores ni el método estaban listos para operar en una organización con fines de lucro, lo que finalmente disminuyó el uso de este viejo método de contabilidad en 1879.* I am pleased to acknowledge the financial support for this research provided by the Scientific Research Projects Division (TÜBAP) of the Trakya University, Republic of Turkey. I am also grateful to the participants at the 13th World Congress of Accounting Historians, Newcastle, U.K., and the two anonymous referees for helpful comments on earlier drafts. 


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