scholarly journals Hungary’s Pragmatic Foreign Policy in a Post-American World

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (s1) ◽  
pp. 113-134
Author(s):  
István Tarrósy ◽  
Zoltán Vörös
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political System ◽  
International System ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
The Political ◽  
Refugee Crisis ◽  
Global Issues ◽  
Focal Attention ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
Sub Saharan

AbstractThis paper seeks to provide an overview of Hungary’s foreign policy priorities since the change of the political system of 1989–90. It intends to critically analyse the rise of pragmatism, in particular, in the new policy chapters of the ‘Turn towards the East’ and the ‘Opening to the South’, while it also looks at the international system itself with its recent developments and how Hungary has behaved in relation to them. Focal attention will be given to certain regions of the world, together with some global issues such as China, Turkey, Russia and Sub-Saharan Africa, as well as the ongoing refugee crisis and climate change.

South-South Cooperation: The Ivorian-Moroccan Case

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (12) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mamadou Sanogo
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cote D'ivoire ◽  
Côte D’Ivoire ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
African Union ◽  
Cote D’Ivoire ◽  
Côte D'ivoire ◽  
Sub Saharan

Ivorian-Moroccan relations are not new because the diplomatic relations between the two countries have been established since August 16, 1962, but the interest of Morocco for Côte d'Ivoire has considerably strengthened during the royal visit of 19-21 March 2013 in Côte d'Ivoire, the first, since the beginning of his reign in 1999. Morocco is now refocusing its foreign policy on sub-Saharan Africa after the failure of Maghreb integration. This rapprochement resulted in Morocco's return to the African Union and its accession to ECOWAS.

Coalitional Presidentialism in Cross-Regional Perspective

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Chaisty ◽  
Nic Cheeseman ◽  
Timothy J. Power
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Former Soviet Union ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Case Selection ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
Empirical Material ◽  
Regional Perspective

This chapter introduces the three regions—sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America, and the Former Soviet Union—and the nine countries—Armenia, Benin, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, Kenya, Malawi, Russia, and Ukraine—that provide the empirical material for the book. It introduces the two criteria used for case selection: 1) democratic competitiveness; 2) de jure and de facto constitutional provisions that empower presidents to be coalitional formateurs. It also introduces a variable that measures the salience of cross-party cooperation: the Index of Coalitional Necessity. Finally, it sketches the political landscape that has shaped the dynamics of coalitional presidentialism within each region, and it draws attention to important contextual differences between the nine country cases.

Turkey’s Sub-imperialism in Sub-Saharan Africa

2021 ◽  
pp. 048661342110039
Author(s):  
Gönenç Uysal
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Jel Classification ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
Gulf Countries ◽  
Political Roles ◽  
The Face ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
Emerging Powers

The growing economic and political roles of the so-called emerging powers in sub-Saharan Africa have attracted particular attention following the apparent decline of Western powers in the face of the global economic crisis of 2007–2008. The AKP’s “proactive” foreign policy has manifested Turkey’s burgeoning role in the region. This paper draws upon Marxism to explore the diffusion of Turkish capital and the enhancement of military relations in the region in harmony and in contradistinction with Western and Gulf countries. It discusses the AKP’s proactive foreign policy vis-à-vis sub-Saharan Africa as a particular sociohistorical form of sub-imperialism that is characterized by and reproduces economic and geopolitical rivalries and alliances among Turkey and Western and Gulf countries. JEL Classification: F5, P1, O1

scholarly journals Turkey's foreign policy implementation in sub-Saharan Africa: A post-international approach

2013 ◽  
Vol 49 ◽  
pp. 121-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
Volkan İpek ◽  
Gonca Biltekin
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Implementation ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
Theoretical Terms ◽  
Turkish Foreign Policy ◽  
Turkish Government ◽  
International Theory ◽  
State Actors ◽  
Sub Saharan

Turkey's activism in Africa has been extensively noted. It has been argued that non-state actors like business and civil society organizations take part in Turkeys Africa initiative. Nevertheless, state/non-state interaction in Turkey's foreign policy implementation has not been accounted for in theoretical terms in Turkish foreign policy literature. This paper combines post-international theory and foreign policy implementation in looking at Turkey's foreign policy towards sub-Saharan Africa. We argue that adapting to the multi-centric world, the Turkish government has moved beyond conventional state-to-state dealings in implementing its foreign policy and increasingly relies on the cooperation of non-state actors.

Pensée 2: The “African” in Africana/Black/African and African American Studies

2009 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-195 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carolyn Somerville
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
North Africa ◽  
Sub Saharan Africa ◽  
The Political ◽  
African Continent ◽  
Black African ◽  
Academic Fields ◽  
Sub Saharan ◽  
Middle East Studies ◽  
Research And Policy

In Pensée 1, “Africa on My Mind,” Mervat Hatem questions the perceived wisdom of creating the African Studies Association (focused on sub-Saharan Africa) and the Middle East Studies Association a decade later, which “institutionalized the political bifurcation of the African continent into two academic fields.” The cleaving of Africa into separate and distinct parts—a North Africa/Middle East and a sub-Saharan Africa—rendered a great disservice to all Africans: it has fractured dialogue, research, and policy while preventing students and scholars of Africa from articulating a coherent understanding of the continent.

Russia and Foreign Policy

2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert H. Donaldson
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Development ◽  
International System ◽  
General Rule ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Regime Type ◽  
Russian Foreign Policy ◽  
Global Issues ◽  
Vladimir Putin

Russian foreign policy has both been similar and unique to that of other great powers. As a general rule of statecraft, Russia has pursued balance-of-power policies, which essentially involves the mobilization of power to countervail the power of an enemy or a potential adversary. The enduring goals pursued by Russian foreign policy have placed primary emphasis on ensuring national security, promoting the economic wellbeing of the country, and enhancing national prestige. The dominant theme in the Russian foreign policy under the tsars is that of expansionism. No single motive force can be found to explain tsarist Russian expansionism; rather, the influences of geography, regime type, the international system, and ideology all weigh in, though in different proportions at different times. The ideology known as Marxism–Leninism has also had a significant effect on Soviet and post-Soviet policy. Meanwhile, Russian Federation president Boris Yeltsin’s primary aim in foreign policy, like Mikhail Gorbachev’s before him, was to create a nonthreatening external environment that would be most conducive to his country’s internal economic and political development. On the other hand, Vladimir Putin pursued a pragmatic, cautious, and nuanced policy. The most visible change that Putin brought to Russia’s foreign policy was a heightened level of presidential activism. In his second presidential term, Putin further changed the direction of Russian foreign policy, increasingly demanding that Russia be recognized as a great power and be given commensurate weight in the resolution of global issues.

scholarly journals A política externa brasileira, as coalizões de poder e a Unasul: ascensão e desconstrução da América do Sul como bloco geopolítico | Brazilian foreign policy, the coalitions of power and UNASUR: rise and deconstruction of South America as a geopolitical blocA política externa brasileira, as coalizões de poder e a Unasul: ascensão e desconstrução da América do Sul como bloco geopolítico | Brazilian foreign policy, the coalitions of power and UNASUR: rise and deconstruction of South America as a geopolitical bloc

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tiago Nery
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
South America ◽  
International System ◽  
The Political ◽  
South American ◽  
Business Elites ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Working Classes ◽  
Conservative Coalition ◽  
Industrial Bourgeoisie

O ciclo de governos progressistas no Brasil, que começou com a eleição de Lula em 2002 e terminou com a derrubada de Dilma Rousseff em 2016, foi responsável por uma política externa autônoma que procurou reposicionar o país e a América do Sul no sistema internacional. Os governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) lideraram uma coalizão produtivista heterogênea formada por frações da burguesia industrial e setores das classes trabalhadoras. Lula teve um papel importante na criação da Unasul, que constitui a dimensão política do regionalismo sul-americano. A ruptura da ordem democrática levou ao poder uma coalizão conservadora que reunificou as elites empresariais e alterou a orientação da política externa. A coalizão liderada pelo MDB-PSDB tem adotado uma política externa que subordinou o Brasil à potência hegemônica e vem contribuindo para a paralisia e a desconstrução da Unasul enquanto bloco geopolítico.ABSTRACTThe cycle of progressive governments in Brazil, which begun with Lula’s election in 2002 and ended with the overthrow of Dilma Rousseff in 2016, was responsible for an autonomous foreign policy that sought to reposition the country and South America in the international system. The Workers Party’s (PT) governments led a heterogeneous productivist coalition made up of fractions of the industrial bourgeoisie and sectors of the working classes. Lula played an important role in the creation of Unasur, which is the political dimension of South American regionalism. The rupture of the democratic order brought to power a conservative coalition that reunified the business elites and changed the orientation of foreign policy. The coalition led by MDB-PSDB has adopted a foreign policy that subordinated Brazil to the hegemonic power and has contributed to the paralysis and the deconstruction of Unasur as a geopolitical bloc.Palavras-chave: Política externa brasileira; coalizões políticas; UnasulKeywords: Brazilian foreign policy; political coalitions; UnasurRecebido em 6 de Julho de 2018 | Received on July 6, 2018Aceito em 6 de Setembro de 2018 | Accepted on September 6, 2018 

scholarly journals What Determines Foreign Policy in Latin America? Systemic versus Domestic Factors in Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico, 1946–2008

2015 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Octavio Amorim Neto ◽  
Andrés Malamud
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
International System ◽  
The United States ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
The Political ◽  
Un General Assembly ◽  
Systemic Variables

AbstractIs it domestic politics or the international system that more decisively influences foreign policy? This article focuses on Latin America's three largest powers to identify patterns and compare outcomes in their relations with the regional hegemon, the United States. Through a statistical analysis of voting behavior in the UN General Assembly, we examine systemic variables (both realist and liberal) and domestic variables (institutional, ideological, and bureaucratic) to determine their relative weights between 1946 and 2008. The study includes 4,900 votes, the tabulation of 1,500 ministers according to their ideological persuasion, all annual trade entries, and an assessment of the political strength of presidents, cabinets, and parties per year. The findings show that while Argentina's voting behavior has been determined mostly by domestic factors and Mexico's by realist systemic ones, Brazil's has a more complex blend of determinants, but also with a prevalence of realist systemic variables.

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