scholarly journals POLITICAL CRISIS AND SOCIAL PROTEST IN THAILAND

2015 ◽  
pp. 222-228
Author(s):  
E. V. Koldunova
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Active Phase ◽  
Social Protest ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
Student Protests ◽  
Democratic Tradition ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Protests ◽  
The Military

The article focuses on socio-political activism, main features of socio-political contradictions and the couses of the recent social protests in Thailand. Thailand has the longest democratic tradition among ther countries of South-east Asia. Yetbackin 1932 the country has changed the absoulute monarchy to a constitutional one. However in the XXth century Thailand had lived through more than five decades of authoritarianism. The number of military coupd'etats which took place in Thailand now equals to almost twenty. At the same time, despite such a long authoritarian rule the country witnessed the formation of various elements of civil society. In the second part of the XX century the student protests of 1973–1976 became the most vivid example of civic activism. The social protest in Thailand reached its most active phase in the first decade of this century when the country splitted into two camps – one of thes-o-called «Red Shirts» and Another One of the «Yellow Shirts». The «Red Shirts» supported billionere Thaksin Shinawatra, a Prime Minister of Thaialnd in 2001–2006. The «Yellow Shirts» opposed him. Thet women tioned camps created new social movements – «People's Alliance for Democracy» («Yellow Shirts») and «United Front for Democracy against Dictatorship» («Red Shirts»). Since 2006 Thailand has seen several stages of the development of the social protest. The most recent one starte din November 2013 and end edin May 2014 when after more than half a year of mass meetings in the country's capital Bangkok the military took power again.

Protests could shift Albania towards authoritarianism

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
European Council ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Business Activity ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Student Protests ◽  
The City

Significance Student protests demanding fundamental reform have resumed with the new term and are spreading beyond Tirana to other groups, including -- worryingly for Prime Minister Edi Rama -- miners and other workers. Rama’s sacrifice of senior ministers has failed to quiet the street protests, the largest since the demise of communism. Impacts Thousands of protesters and the closure of roads into the city will interrupt business activity in central Tirana in the short term. A new cabinet with little experience and under close prime ministerial control will depress the quality of policymaking. An escalating political crisis would reduce Albania’s chances of being asked at the June European Council to open accession negotiations.

‘Slovak, not Brussels Social Democracy’. Europeanization/De-Europeanization and the Ideological Development of Smer-SD Before 2020 Parliamentary Elections in Slovakia

2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-58
Author(s):  
Juraj Marušiak
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Social Democracy ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Internal Conflicts ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Challenge ◽  
First Time ◽  
New Situation

This paper is focused on the evolution of the ideology of Smer - Social Democracy (Smer-SD) party and its positions on European integration before the political elections in Slovakia in February 2020. As the ‘social-democratization’ of Smer-SD was the result of party’s Europeanization, the article explores the dimensions of de-Europeanization in the politics of this party in 2017–2020. Since 2006, Smer-SD has occupied a dominant position among political parties in Slovakia. However, a substantive decline in the electoral support of the party took place after 2016. Smer-SD faced a significant political challenge during the political crisis after the assassination of the journalist Ján Kuciak and his fiancée Martina Kušnírová in February 2018. The result was the resignation of Prime Minister Robert Fico. The appointment of party vice chairman Peter Pellegrini as Prime Minister created a new situation within the party, as for the first time the positions of Prime Minister and head of the party were separated. The political crisis in 2018 revealed the presence of internal conflicts within the party and the weakening of the authority of its chairman, Robert Fico. The establishment of two centres of power within the party resulted in competition between Fico and Pellegrini and, finally, in June 2020, a split, as Pellegrini announced the founding of a new political party.

Thailand: Camouflaged Khakistocracy in Civil–Military Relations

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul W. Chambers
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Military Power ◽  
Authoritarian Rule ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military

The history of civil–military relations in Thailand has paralleled the gradual post-1980 primacy of monarchical power over the country. Until 1932, the monarchy ruled absolute across Siam (Thailand). From 1932 until 1980, the military held more clout than the monarchy (though the palace slowly increased its influence after 1957). Since 1980, monarchy and military have dominated the country with the military as junior partner. The two form a khakistocracy: the military’s uniform color of khaki combined with the aristocracy (monarchy). Though there have been brief instances of elected civilian governments, all were overthrown by the military. In fact, Thailand likely holds the record for the highest number of military putsches in the world. Since the death of King Bhumipol Adulyadej in 2016, the clout of the armed forces has become more centralized under his successor and son King Maha Vajiralongkorn. At the same time, post-2019 Prime Minister (and post-2014 junta leader) General Prayuth Chanocha has sought to entrench military power across Thailand. As a result, in 2021, the monarchy and military continue to enhance authoritarian rule as a khakistocracy camouflaged behind the guise of a charade form of democracy. Civil–military relations represent exclusively a partnership between the monarch and the armed forces.

scholarly journals Fighting a Different Enemy: Social Protests against Authority in the Australian Imperial Force during World War I

2007 ◽  
Vol 52 (S15) ◽  
pp. 225-241 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nathan Wise
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Social Protest ◽  
World War ◽  
War Veterans ◽  
Social Protests ◽  
The Military

During World War I, the rank and file of the Australian Imperial Force utilized humour in their social protests against both their officers and the military regimen. This paper looks at the expression of this humour through a variety of mediums and explores the value of humour in providing an outlet through which these men could vent their anger at the military system. It further seeks to highlight how the adoption of humour in social protests became a secure part of the Australian soldiers' “working” identity and how this was sustained throughout the war by the masculine image of the soldier. Further to this, the paper examines the decline in the use of humour in social protest amongst war veterans in the postwar era and its replacement by a more sombre attitude towards protests.

scholarly journals Ein kurzer Sommer des gesellschaftlichen Wandels?

2014 ◽  
Vol 44 (177) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sebastian Schipper
Keyword(s):  
Public Discourse ◽  
Mass Movement ◽  
Housing Prices ◽  
Social Protest ◽  
Cost Of Living ◽  
Tel Aviv ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Protests ◽  
Push Forward ◽  
Important Shift

Between July and September 2011, Israel was swept by unprecedented social protests against escalating housing prices, rising cost of living, the yawning social inequality and the deep neo-liberalization of the last decades. What started with a couple of protest tents on the Rothschild Boulevard in Tel Aviv, became in just two weeks a mass movement. While the Israeli Social Protest has propelled an important shift in public discourse, it did however not trigger any restructuring of the neoliberal rule regime entrenched since 1985. To explain why the J14-protest was not able to destabilize the existing power relations and to push forward a post-neoliberal mode of regulation, the article analyzes both the movement’s own failures and the dynamics of cooptation and repression that silenced and pacified the social struggles – at least for the time being.

Coup D’état in Three Acts

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danny Orbach
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Active Duty ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Military ◽  
Military Budget

This chapter examines the Taishō political crisis of 1912–1913. It first considers Home Minister Hara Kei's “positive policy” and the military budget dispute of autumn 1912 involving the army and navy before discussing the imperial ordinance known as the “rule of active duty ministry.” It then turns to Prime Minister Saionji Kinmochi's conflict with the army and his successor Katsura Tarō's dispute with the navy. It also explains how the “active duty rule” and the political tools it had generated turned the budgetary dispute of autumn 1912 into a government crisis, and finally, into a military coup d'état. The chapter concludes with an analysis of the ramifications of the Taishō political crisis for the future.

Cultural memory of social protest: Mnemonic literature about Gezi Park protests

2020 ◽  
pp. 175069802098205
Author(s):  
Pınar Melis Yelsalı Parmaksız
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Memory ◽  
Three Dimensional ◽  
Social Protest ◽  
Dimensional Model ◽  
Three Dimensional Model ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Protests ◽  
Selection Of

This article problematizes the relation between the cultural memory and the Gezi Park protests which took place in 2013 in İstanbul. With this aim, a sample of the literature as the source for the analysis were selected. The selection of the literary productions were made purposively in order to analyze the memory of the Gezi Park protests in connection with the general understanding of the cultural memory. The relevance of the literature to the role of memory in social protest was analyzed on the basis of the three dimensional model of the relation between memory and literature by considering the working of three aspects of mnemonic mimesis: prefiguration, configuration, and reconfiguration. Consequently, literature as the mimesis of memory was connected to the analysis of the cultural memory of social protest. It was argued that the cultural memory of the Gezi Park protests contributes to the repertoire of the memory of the social protests in novel ways.

scholarly journals ELECTION OF THE NEW PRIME MINISTER OF SWEDEN

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (6) ◽  
pp. 132-138
Author(s):  
Natalia Plevako ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Chief Executive ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
Global Events ◽  
The Right

The article examines the situation in Sweden around the election of a new Prime minister of the country. Describing it as a political crisis, the author points to the causes that gave rise to it, the course of the crisis itself and the interim results. The reasons are seen in the self-destruction of the former two-block party-political mechanism, which turned out to be unable to find adequate answers to new challenges, the appearance of which is predetermined by both internal political processes and global events and phenomena. The restructuring of this mechanism proceeds in complex contradictory forms, which was shown by the election of the chief executive. The weakening of the old traditional rivals in the struggle for power, which also affects their internal unity, is accompanied by the activation of forces on the extreme flanks, especially the right part of it, where nationalists are strengthening from year to year. The election of a new leader of the SAP as the new prime minister with the changed, and probably not for the last time, configuration of political forces has become a fragile compromise, for which the Social Democrats will have to pay dearly – they will have to fulfill the budget of the right-wing parties. There was a temporary reconnaissance before the new battles, the main of which will be the election of a new composition of the Riksdag in 2022.

Indonesian Historical Writing after Independence

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ann Kumar
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Historical Writing ◽  
Dutch Version ◽  
History Writing ◽  
Academic History ◽  
Artistic Representations ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Military ◽  
Local Perspectives

This chapter discusses Indonesian historical writing after independence. At the time Indonesia became independent, knowledge of academic history-writing was virtually non-existent. Indonesian elites then faced the postcolonial predicament of having to adopt Western nationalistic approaches to history in order to oppose the Dutch version of the archipelago’s history that had legitimized colonial domination. Soon after independence, the military took over and dominated the writing of history in Indonesia for several decades. Challenges to the military’s view of history came from artistic representations of history, and from historians—trained in the social sciences—who emphasized a multidimensional approach balancing central and local perspectives. However, it was only after 2002 that historians could openly criticize the role of the military.

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