scholarly journals Securitization of Energy Supply within the European Integration

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 57-81
Author(s):  
Y. V. Borovsky ◽  
O. V. Shishkina

The article uses the constructivist securitization concept to analyze the European Economic Community (EEC), and the European Union (EU) approaches to ensuring energy security. It seeks to establish whether the energy supply has been securitized within the European integration process and if so when it happened. The literature review does not give a definitive and comprehensive answer to this question which is essential for all the history of the EEC and the EU. The authors of this study use an extensive documentary database available on the EU websites. They established that for the EEC/EU the energy policy securitization is a long-lasting ongoing process that came into being in 1973. Within the European integration, the securitization is justified by the dependency of the member states on the imported energy resources, which is regarded through the prism of securing reliable, affordable, and (since 2000s) environmentally sustainable supply. The authors identified two waves of energy supply securitization in the EEC/EU. The first wave was triggered by the oil embargo of the OPEC Arab countries and, generally, the world oil crisis of 1973-1974. The second wave of the 2000s and 2010s was triggered by the Russian-Ukrainian gas conflicts of 2006 and 2009 and the sharp deterioration of Russian-Ukrainian relations in 2014. For both waves, the Commission was the main ‘securitizing actor’. However, during the second wave, the European Parliament, some EU countries, and even the United States made their own ‘securitizing moves’. The ‘audience’ (EEC/EU countries) expressed its opinion towards the ‘securitizing moves’ through the European Council and the Council decisions. The research conclusions can be useful for a profound scientific explanation of the EU energy policy as well as for the operationalization of the securitization concept.

Author(s):  
Roberto Dominguez ◽  
Joshua Weissman LaFrance

The history of the European Union (EU) is closely associated with the development of the United States. As the process of European integration has produced institutions and gained a collective international presence, the United States has been a close observer, partner, and often critic of the policies and actions of the EU and its member states. A steady progression of events delineates this path: the Marshall Plan, origins of European integration, the Cold War, the post–Cold War, 9/11 and its effects on the international system, the Great Recession, and the deterioration of global democracy. All throughout, the EU and the United States have both cooperated and collided with one another, in line with the combination of three main factors: (a) the evolution of the EU as an independent, international actor; (b) American strategies for engagement with Europe and then with the EU; and (c) the adaptive capacity and cohesion of the overall transatlantic relationship. The EU–U.S. relationship is significant not only for the influential role of the EU in world affairs but also because, as opposed to China or Russia, the transatlantic area hosts one of the most solid relationships around the world. Crises surely have been, and will be, a frequent aspect of the intense interdependences on both sides of the Atlantic; however, the level of contestation and conflict is relatively low, particularly as compared with other areas that smoothly allow the flow of goods, services, people, and ideas. Taken altogether, then, the transatlantic relationship possesses a strong foundation: it is integral, resilient, and enduring over a history of diplomatic disagreements and conflicts. The primary question remains just how this steady stream and confluence of shared challenges ultimately will fare in face of evolving crises and systemic disruptors. In any case, the answer is determined by the enduring nature, and foreign policy choices, of the primary actors on each side of the Atlantic.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  

The modern world depends on energy, the consumption of which is increasing, while the use of resources is becoming more and more intensive. It should be noted that imperialist Russia makes excellent use of this opportunity, which is reflected in the expansion and strengthening of its sphere of political influence. As we know, all states hold energy policies based on national-strategic values and define national aspirations and priorities. Russia has a big amount of energy resources, which it uses quite purposefully. The main tool of the Kremlin’s expansionist policy is energy policy, which opposes European integration and increases its own role in the international arena. Despite the fundamental radical differences between the democratic West and undemocratic Russia, they still manage to find common preventive-cooperative relations in terms of energy policy. A clear example of this is the energy relations between Russia and Germany, which are complex and perennial. The Nord Stream 2 is a project of global importance that explicitly increases the EU’s energy dependence on Russia, which may not prove as beneficial to the Brussels side as it may do to the Moscow side. Both Putin and his governance system are using their country’s resources and geopolitics “dishonestly” to exercise considerable influence on political space around them, serving the national interests of Russia. Therefore, in the eyes of the developed West, Russia is perceived as an aggressor and an undemocratic country, which creates a negative political landscape for both the European Union and the international political arena. That is why such maneuvering of Russia is not positively understood by any of the powerful states of the world, as this very project is found to be an integral part of world politics. The United States also supports this view. The Nord Stream 2, followed by Brexit, is the first international project and it is literally a dynamic action on how the energy relations between the EU and Russia can be continued. At the current stage, Germany’s political actions are more profitable and productive for Russia than for the EU, since this case carries the potential for the energy sector of the two parties to become more integrated.


2021 ◽  
pp. 25-37
Author(s):  
Andrii Martynov

The article is devoted to Germany’s presidency in the European Union in the second half of 2020. This was a critical period in the modern history of the process of European integration. Conflicting tendencies emerged during the negotiations on the terms of the Brexit. The budget policy of the European Union required approval. The key tasks of the German presidency were the internal problems of the European Union. But it was not possible to focus exclusively on immanent issues. The pandemic has exacerbated international problems. German diplomacy joined in the settlement of the Greek-Turkish controversy. Germany and France have reached a common position on an agreement on the terms of Britain’s withdrawal from the Brexit. Germany has reached a compromise on the adoption of the European Union budget for the period up to 2027. A large fund was created to support the European economy during the pandemic. Germany has set trends for the development of the European Union’s relations with key partners: the United States, Russia, and China. Germany welcomed Joseph Biden’s victory in the US presidential election. The European Union is considering resuming negotiations on a transatlantic free trade area with the United States. The EU and the US are ready to renew the Euro-Atlantic partnership. The interaction between the EU and the US is designed to protect liberal democracy in the modern world. With the assistance of Germany, the European Union has signed an investment agreement with China. Beijing has pledged to introduce social security guarantees and limit human rights abuses. Russia’s authoritarian threats remain a challenge to the European integration process. During Germany’s presidency of the European Union, the results of the presidential election in Belarus and the poisoning of Russian opposition politician Alexei Navalny became conflicting issues. The German presidency was successful. In the internal policy of the European Union it was possible to form a strategy of ecological renewal of the European economy. The success of the environmental modernization of the EU economy systematically depends on the internal capacity of elites and European societies to implement this course and on the favorable balance of power in a globalized world.


2020 ◽  
Vol 144 ◽  
pp. 42-49
Author(s):  
Lidiya N. Krasavina ◽  

The article analyzes the Brexit problem, the solution of which has been delayed: four years passed from the referendum on Britain’s withdrawal from the European Union (February 16, 2016) till signing of the Brexit Act by Prime Minister Boris Johnson (January 31, 2020). The article's novelty consists in assessing Brexit as a manifestation of the system crisis of the European Union (EU), officially recognized by the European authorities in 2015 due to violation of the development regularities of the European integration and the global crisis consequences. Based on systemic methodology in the aspect of reproduction theory, the internal and external causes of Brexit are analyzed. The author identifies a change in the US attitude to Brexit — from Barack Obama's negative position to active support by Donald Trump in order to break down the European Union as a collective competitor composed of twenty-eight integrated countries. This is facilitated by the loss of economic sovereignty of the EU countries under US pressure. Possible British benefits and risks of losses as a result of exit from the EU are analyzed.


Author(s):  
Tetiana Rybakova

Relevance of research topic. Nowadays the Ukraine's relations with the European Union are extremely important. European integration for Ukraine is a strategic choice for the future, and it makes a great influence on the place and role of the state in the new system of international relations, including economic, monetary and financial ones. Formulation of the problem. Ukraine's reform agenda is comprehensive and requires significant financial resources that cannot be raised solely from domestic sources. This determines the importance of attracting foreign funds, including those from the EU as a strategic partner of Ukraine, as well as the creation of a favourable investment climate and therefore the intensification of foreign investment. Analysis of recent research and publications. In the background of Ukraine's European integration intentions, a significant number of scientists study the problems and prospects of investment and financial cooperation between Ukraine and the EU. This cooperation is the subject of constant monitoring by European government agencies and central executive bodies of Ukraine as well. Selection of unexplored parts of the general problem. In the conditions of unstable global political and economic environment, new challenges in the region and the extreme dynamism of investment and financial processes, it is necessary to conduct the research reflecting the current state of investment and financial cooperation between Ukraine and the EU. Setting the task, the purpose of the study. Highlighting the state of investment and financial cooperation between Ukraine and the EU at the current stage of Ukraine's European integration. Method or methodology for conducting research. System and structural approach, method of logical analysis, statistical method, method of graphic analysis, method of comparison, method of structuring. Presentation of the main material (results of work). The paper describes the political background for investment and financial cooperation between Ukraine and the EU. The analysis of foreign direct investments in Ukraine by countries of origin and by areas of attraction is carried out; the dynamics of direct investments from EU countries in Ukraine's economy for 2010-2019 is described. The current state of application of the valid instruments of investment and financial support given to Ukraine by the EU is analyzed. The areas of priority attention in the process of implementing reforms in terms of attracting the investment from the EU are identified. The field of application of results. Research of Ukraine’s European integration problems, educational process (in the preparation of the relevant sections of textbooks and tutorials for courses “International Economics”, “Global Economics”, “Finance”). Conclusions according to the article. The EU sustainable financial support covers many sectors of the economy and public life in Ukraine, including agriculture, infrastructure, transport and energy, small and medium-sized enterprises, as well as democratic reforms, overcoming the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, research and innovation, the environment, support for military conflict victims, etc. The EU supports Ukraine through various instruments, including macro-financial assistance, the European Financial Institutions (EBRD and the EIB), bilateral support from EU member states, the EU External Investment Plan, the European Neighbourhood Instrument, and the Instrument contributing to Stability and Peace. The volumes of EU foreign direct investment in Ukraine still remain low, and their structure by country of origin is not optimal. It is important for Ukraine to attract investments from the most developed EU countries, which is possible only if an attractive investment climate is formed, and the rule of law and the fight against the corruption are ensured.


2018 ◽  
pp. 798-801
Author(s):  
Serhii Braha

The article analyses in detail the 2018 political season in Europe. The author recalls how the year began: the European Union extended sanctions against the Russian Federation for violating the territorial integrity of our state. It is noted that ensuring strict compliance in the European Union and in companies of EU member States with the policy of non-recognition and the sanctions regime is very important for Ukraine. The author highlights the areas of Ukrainian national interest. Describes the vicissitudes of relations between Ukraine and the European Union. Reveals the content of cooperation between Ukraine and NATO. Notes that the Ukraine–EU Summit confirmed the strategic nature of the development of relations with the European Union, as well as the desire of both sides to further develop a dialogue with the EU on the integration of Ukraine into the EU Customs Union, the EU Energy Union, the common digital market and Association with the Schengen area. The Summit also analysed the topic related to the activities of the member States of the European Union and the United States to prevent the implementation of the Nord stream 2 project. Further, the author of the article examines the functioning of the free trade zone and the visa-free regime. Clarifies that more than a million of our compatriots have already used the visa-free regime, becoming true lobbyists for the European integration of Ukraine. The author also notes that one of the most noticeable factors that will affect the lives of leading European States will be the beginning of the election campaign for the European Parliament. The approach of the active phase of the campaign is beginning to change the attitude of European deputies of Ukraine. The author of the article notes that the UK’s withdrawal from the European Union may affect the “Ukrainian file” in the future composition of the European Parliament. Keywords: European Union, NATO summit, “Ukrainian issue”, dialogue, visa-free regime, European Parliament.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 24-32
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Shumilin ◽  

The article examines the approach of Turkey and the leadership of the North Atlantic Alliance to the problem of noticeably deteriorating relations between them. The process of «undocking» Ankara’s partnership with NATO has been gaining momentum over the past four years, despite the generally friendly relationship between Turkish leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan and US President Donald Trump. With the exception of the deal between Turkey and Russia for the supply of the S-400 air defense system, which was sharply criticized by the alliance and primarily the United States, the range of other controversial issues mainly concerned relations between Ankara and the EU countries. D. Trump often used the tension between Ankara and Brussels in pursuing his line («America first») in relations with the EU countries. This could not but weaken the partnership between NATO members as a whole. The author concludes that the June 2021 summit of the alliance, at which the United States was represented by President Joe Biden, marked the beginning of the process of overcoming the differences between Turkey and its NATO allies. The most important impetus in this regard is the renewed concept of the alliance, which defines Russia as an «immediate threat». And this requires the consolidation of NATO ranks through overcoming internal differences. And above all with Turkey. In the first part of the article, the author analyzed the features of relations between Turkey and the United States, as well as Turkey and the European Union during the presidency of D. Trump. The second part will examine relations in the Turkey – US – EU triangle in the new international environment under the influence of the Joe Biden administration.


Author(s):  
Michael Smith

This chapter examines the United States’ transatlantic relationship with the European integration project and its implications for US foreign policy. In particular, it considers the ways in which US policy makers have developed images of the European Community (EC) and later the European Union (EU) on the challenges posed by European integration for US policy processes and the uses of US power. The chapter first explores key factors in the evolution of the relationship within US foreign policy up to the end of the Cold War before discussing trends and tensions in the period between 1990 and 2016 covering the presidencies of Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama. It also analyzes the impact of Donald Trump’s policies on US relations with the EU before concluding with an assessment of a number of wider questions about the future of the US–EU relations.


Author(s):  
N. Y. Kaveshnikov

The article analyses development of external energy policy of the European Union (EU). In spite of the Lisbon treaty didn’t substantially expend EU powers in external energy policy, European Commission (EC) became more active in recent years. Decision on exchange of information about bilateral energy agreements between Member States (MSs) and third countries may deprive producers of opportunity to differentiate terms of infrastructure projects and energy supply in different MSs. European Commission participation in MSs negotiations with third countries as a guardian of energy market provisions will inevitably increase negotiation power of MSs. Nevertheless, only smooth and modest extension of powers of the EC would be possible because of opposition of numerous countries which makes a search of consensus very difficult. Among priority activities of the EU external energy policy one could identify ‘export’ of energy market provisions in neighbor countries; diversification of suppliers and prioritization of politically selected supply routes; dramatic increase of regulatory activity at EU level. All these activities are partially successful, but they all have some shortages. Several EU legislative and regulatory measures risk to run counter to existing obligations of MSs.


Author(s):  
Viktoriia STOIKA ◽  

European integration and the identification of obstacles to full membership in the European Union. Design/methodology/approach: The methodological and theoretical basis of the article is the fundamental provisions of economic theory, the works of scientists and economists in the field of international economic relations and integration. Findings: The article explores the problems of Ukraine’s integration into the EU. The study analyzed the attitude of Ukrainians towards European integration, identified the main arguments for and against accession to the EU countries, as well as the main internal and external threats of the integration process. It has been determined that in recent years the proportion of the population that has supported Ukraine’s accession to the EU has significantly increased. From the integration into the EU, Ukrainians primarily expect to expand the space of their own capabilities and the country's internal development in accordance with modern world trends. It is concluded that the population considers a high level of corruption in the country, problems in the Donbass and the inefficiency of public administration as the main obstacles to this process. Most residents of Ukraine consider it necessary to implement European reforms, but the consequence of their implementation has identified significant problems in terms of their real social effect. It is determined that Ukraine in some macroeconomic indicators lags significantly behind the EU countries, continues to lose its position in the global ranking of countries in terms of economic competitiveness, and remains one of the poorest countries in Europe. A significant problem for the development of Ukraine is the labor migration of the population and, in particular, the increase in the number of illegal migrants - Ukrainians in Europe. The main achievements in the implementation of the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU are analyzed and the main threats to the further European integration are identified. It is concluded that Ukraine needs to develop its own “action plan” for the possibility of realizing national interests, taking into account the interests of the parties involved in the integration process. Originality/value: The mood of Ukrainian society, the current position of the state, the main obstacles and priorities that Ukraine faces on the way to the EU have been analysed in detail.


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