scholarly journals Betwixt and Between: How Male and Female Audiences Engaged with the "Magnetic Girl" to Complicate Fin-de-Siècle Gender Roles

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Lowry
Keyword(s):  
Gender Identity ◽  
Gilded Age ◽  
Social Power ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Cultural Transition ◽  
Social Hierarchies ◽  
Physical Strength ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Individual

Lulu Hurst was a young Gilded Age-era performer known for her demonstrations of uncanny physical strength. For the most part, Hurst’s performance involved challenging an audience member to wrest objects from her grasp. For a member of Hurst's predominantly male audience, matching her strength to his own was a means by which to prove his masculinity to his peers. The notion of masculinity being on trial was particularly significant in the late nineteenth century--a time when women were beginning to gain social power.  Elaine Showalter famously describes this period as being characterized by a "battle within the sexes" as well as between them (9). As such, I argue that Hurst’s “demonstrations of strength” are best understood within the context of what Marvin Carlson terms "resistant performance"--that is, a performance that subverts the status quo by exposing its underlying assumptions. Drawing on Victor Turner’s work on ritual and liminality, I argue that when the individual male agent separates himself from his peers in order to challenge Hurst, his gender identity temporarily becomes destabilized. However, while Hurst may have disrupted the status quo by troubling gender binaries, her performance also served to reify existing social hierarchies. This paradox is both a marker of resistant performance and of social change. For the postmodern reader, Hurst's performance is significant in that her demonstrations reveal the implications of resistant performance during a unique period of cultural transition in which gender identity was called into question. 

“Just the Status Quo?”

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 305-313
Author(s):  
Michele Mitchell
Keyword(s):  
Progressive Era ◽  
Documentary Film ◽  
Gilded Age ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Gender And Sexuality ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Recent Scholarship ◽  
The Status ◽  
Sex And Sexuality ◽  
Late Nineteenth

Abstract*As much as recent scholarship, popular outlets, and even a documentary film have asserted that we find ourselves in another “Gilded Age” since the 1980s, such a conceit has its limits. Indeed, we should proceed with caution when it comes to embracing analogies that posit a “new” or “second” Gilded Age. We might instead profitably think about the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as being a period of high capitalism and our current moment as reflecting a particular, if not peculiar, phase of capitalism. And, as much as our understanding of gender and sexuality during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries might actually be hindered by separating “Gilded Age” and “Progressive Era,” considering gendered dynamics of our current moment—a moment that has been termed late-stage capitalism—deepens our analysis of the low-wage economy. When it comes to sexuality, we should be careful in drawing parallels between the Gilded Age and the present given that contemporary understandings of sexuality began to coalesce during the late nineteenth century. Still, debates about sex and sexuality certainly shaped the Gilded Age and they continue to inform our current moment in dynamic and even unprecedented ways. We might not find ourselves in another Gilded Age, but we should arguably build upon current interest in histories of capitalism as a means think about the significance of progressive social movements within capitalist societies.

scholarly journals Vocationalization of education in Kenya: the Classroom Practice and the Learners’ Responsibilities for Change in the 21st Century

2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 142
Author(s):  
Samson Ondigi ◽  
Henry Ayot ◽  
Kiio Mueni ◽  
Mary Nasibi
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Classroom Practice ◽  
History Of Education ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Knowledge And Skills ◽  
Successful Recovery ◽  
Common Practices ◽  
The Status ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Individual

Abstract The essence of education is to prepare an individual for lifelong experiences after schooling. Education as offered in schools today is expected to give the teacher a chance to impart knowledge and skills in the learner, and for the learner to be informed and be able to put into practice what has been gained in the course of time. The Kenyan curriculum and goals of education are clearly stipulated if followed to the latter. Basically, the classroom practice by both the teachers and the learners exhibit an academic rather than a dual system that is expected to meet the needs of both the individual and those of the communities which form subsets of the society at large. It is upon this premise that education of a given country must prepare its individuals in schools so as to meet the goals of education at any one given time of a country’s history. This paper looks at the perspective of vocationalization of education in Kenyan at this century. The history of education ever since independence in 1963 by focusing on the Ominde commission through the Koech report of 1999 have been emphatic that education must meet the national goals of education as stipulated in the curriculum. But what is edging the practice that has not revolutionalized the socio-economic, cultural and political development of Kenya? Differentiated Instruction is a teaching theory based on the premise that instructional approaches should vary and be adapted in relation to individual and diverse students in classroom aimed at achieving diversified learning and common practices in the career. The challenges herein are: where have we gone wrong as a nation, what is the practice in the classroom, when can the nation be out of this dilemma, who is to blame for the status quo and finally what is the way forward? By addressing these questions, the education system will be responsive to the changes in time and Kenya will be on the path to successful recovery.

The Erosion, Breaking, and Betrayal of the Moral Economy

2021 ◽  
pp. 359-368
Author(s):  
Keith Grint
Keyword(s):  
Moral Economy ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Status ◽  
Fait Accompli ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Way

The final chapter looks back at the cases of mutiny through several different lenses. First we use Wright Mills’s notion of Vocabularies of Motive that takes what actors say they are doing as opposed to how we might interpret that. In effect these act as mobilizations, not descriptions, of action and explore the way leaders channel a general discontent into a particular form of action. Second, the cases are distributed according to whether the mutineers appear to assume the situation is one where the economic or social or political contract has been undermined. This is mirrored on the establishment side by considering whether the actions of the mutineers are perceived to be a fait accompli or the result of misled subordinates or something that actually poses an existential threat to the status quo. Finally, the nature of the individual leaders of mutinies is explored through the frame of the puer robustus, a term used by many philosophers and political commentators to describe those individuals—rule breakers—who invariably end up taking control over mutinies and often paying the price for that leadership.

From “Strategic Partners” to “Strategic Competitors”: George W. Bush and the Politics of U.S. China Policy

2001 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Baum
Keyword(s):  
Bush Administration ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Regression To The Mean ◽  
China Policy ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Mean ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The U.S

Ever since Richard Nixon's 1972 “opening” to China, U.S. presidential election campaigns have been the occasion for the opposition party to strongly challenge the incumbent president's policy of engagement toward China. Once in power, however, successful challengers (Carter, Reagan, Clinton) have softened their criticism and accepted the strategic necessity of cooperation with China. In the first stage of this cycle, the 2000 election appeared to be no exception, as presidential challenger George W. Bush sharply criticized Bill Clinton's notion of a “strategic partnership” with the PRC and proposed instead that the U.S. and China were “strategic competitors.” This paper examines the first six months of the Bush presidency to see if the historic pattern of post-election reversion to the status-quo ante is repeating itself in the Bush Administration. Looking, inter alia, at the individual preferences of key administration policymakers, the administration's enhanced arms sale package to Taiwan, the president's pledge to do “whatever it took” to defend Taiwan, and the mid-summer visit of Secretary of State Colin Powell to Beijing, the paper documents the existence of a sharp division between “soft” realists and “hard” realists within the Bush Administration; and it concludes that while there has been a perceptible shift toward a more adversarial outlook, it is too soon to tell whether this shift will be partly offset by the normal first-term “regression to the mean.”

scholarly journals The Case Against Cognitive Enhancement: Responding to the Reversal Test

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Alice Monro
Keyword(s):  
Cognitive Biases ◽  
Cognitive Enhancement ◽  
Burden Of Proof ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Cognitive Capacity ◽  
Status Quo Bias ◽  
Unequal Distribution ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Reversal Test

<p>In this thesis I argue against the use of genetic technologies to enhance human cognitive capacities. More specifically, I respond to Nick Bostrom and Toby Ord's "Reversal Test", which they use to argue in favour of genetic cognitive enhancement. The Reversal Test is a burden of proof challenge designed to diagnose status quo bias in arguments against enhancement. By noting that most of those who oppose raisingintelligence would also oppose lowering intelligence, the Reversal Test puts the onuson opponents of enhancement to explain why both increases and decreases in our cognitive capacity would be worse than the status quo (our current level of intelligence). Bostrom and Ord claim that if no good reasons can be provided, this indicates that the opposition to enhancement is influenced by status quo bias. Since cognitive biases cannot provide a moral reason against enhancement, opposition to genetic cognitive enhancement shown to be affected by status quo bias canaccordingly be discounted. The aim of my thesis, then, is to overcome the Reversal Test' s burden of proof challenge by showing that my reasons for opposing cognitive enhancement are notinfluenced by status quo bias. However, I do not argue that enhanced intelligence could not be beneficial to the individual. Instead, I claim that the probable unequal distribution of enhancements between the best- and worst-off would be likely to cause serious injustices to those who are unable to afford them.</p>

scholarly journals Social rights on hindu religion and untouchability towards politics and law

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 193-202
Author(s):  
Kanal Guvaherath ◽  
Eveli Mainatikau ◽  
Ell Casanne
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Social Rights ◽  
Hindu Religion ◽  
The People ◽  
Politics And Religion ◽  
The Status ◽  
Political Act ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Politics And Law

Is it right or entrenched? The people of India have to make India a democratic republic and have freedom, power, and opportunity injustice, society, economy, politics, and religion The fraternity is to be fulfilled in order to achieve equality and the dignity of the individual and the integrity of the country and society. Baba Saheb Ambedkar aptly says that No matter how good a political act is a political law will certainly become bad if the rulers are bad. The constitution can be good if it is good for a political act.  The Indian nation has eight thousand castes. How can the fraternity and equality come into existence if a few people have tendency of superiority with the frenzied religion? It is not possible indifference shown in terms of birth, by the birth and the status quo.

‘The Free Sale of Opium’: The Reaction of Russian Orthodox Churchmen to Freedom of Conscience, 1864–1905

2019 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-230
Author(s):  
James White
Keyword(s):  
Status Quo ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Private Sphere ◽  
Russian Orthodox ◽  
Freedom Of Conscience ◽  
Wide Audience ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Church

This article examines discussions of freedom of conscience and other religious liberties in the Orthodox ecclesiastical press between the Great Reforms of the 1860s and the first Russian Revolution in 1905. Avoiding highly influential and well-known religious thinkers, this piece instead focuses on forgotten ordained and lay writers who used their positions in the Church's hierarchy and educational establishments to reach a wide audience. At the heart of their views was a paradox: while frequently defining Christ as freedom and rejecting coercion in religious matters, these churchmen assailed freedom of conscience as morally dangerous and socially destructive. To explain this paradox and reveal why freedom of conscience allegedly posed such a threat, the article situates the writers in the institutional, intellectual, and political contexts of both the Church and the Russian Empire. Examining this is useful not only because it provides an example of how Russian Orthodox churchmen theologically justified the status quo of the empire's religious policy but also because it demonstrates how members of a state church perceived the shift of religion away from collective confessional ascription towards the individual, private sphere.

Dialectics of Sovereignty, Compromise, and Equality in the Discourse on the “Tibetan Question”

boundary 2 ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 153-179
Author(s):  
Tsering Wangmo Dhompa
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Real Solution ◽  
The Status ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Cultural Project ◽  
East And West ◽  
Hearts And Minds

Since 1950, the Chinese government has determined the status and position of Tibetans, but it has not won the battle for Tibetans’ hearts and minds. Ongoing Tibetan resistance under Chinese rule points to serious fissures in the Chinese state’s ideological and cultural project of “liberating” Tibet. Wang Hui’s article “The ‘Tibetan Question’ East and West: Orientalism, Regional Ethnic Autonomy, and the Politics of Dignity” analyzes the March 2008 “riots” in and around Lhasa in order to understand the impediments to a real solution to the crisis in Tibet. This piece suggests that although Wang Hui offers productive ways of moving beyond the status quo, his analysis of Tibet is limited by multiple ideological contradictions that ultimately fail to lift Tibet out of the advanced/backward binary that typifies late nineteenth-century orientalism.

nr="237"Dezentralisierung und Disziplinierung im Unterricht als Praktiken der Diskriminierung und Securitization am Beispiel des ,,Trainingsraums“. : Ein Essay

2021 ◽  
Vol 2019 (1) ◽  
pp. 237-250
Author(s):  
Anke Wischmann ◽  
Jürgen Budde
Keyword(s):  
Status Quo ◽  
Rational Thinking ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
Individual Learner ◽  
School Practice ◽  
The Status ◽  
Concrete Term ◽  
The Individual

Zusammenfassung: In dem Beitrag wird diskutiert, inwiefern der Trainingsraum bzw. das Responsible Thinking Concept (RTC) Praktiken der Dezentralisierung und Diskriminierung bewirken, um im Kontext einer neoliberalen, individualistischen Logik eine auf den/die einzelnen Lernende*n gerichtete Idee von Schule und Unterricht umzusetzen, die anschlussfähig an reformpädagogische und sich als inklusiv verstehende Unterrichtskonzepte ist. Mithilfe des Konzepts der Securitization, welches an Foucaults Studien zu Gouvernementalität anschließt, kann Dezentralisierung als Diskriminierung im Sinne der inneren Sicherheit der pädagogischen Schulpraxis verstanden werden, die anhand zweier empirischer Beispiele exemplarisch dargestellt wird.Abstract: The paper discusses the extent to which the timeout-room or the Rational Thinking Concept (RTC) simultaneously work as practices of decentralization and discrimination in order to secure the status quo in view of the call for inclusion in the context of a neoliberal, individualistic logic. This status quo is a concrete term for a type of schooling and teaching that is directed towards the individual learner. With the help of the concept of Securitization, which follows on from Foucault’s studies on governmentality, decentralization can be understood as discrimination in the sense of the internal security of educational school practice, which has been reconstructed using two empirical examples.

scholarly journals The Indignados protests in the Spanish and Greek press: Moving beyond the ‘protest paradigm’?

2017 ◽  
Vol 32 (5) ◽  
pp. 457-472 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Kyriakidou ◽  
Jose Javier Olivas Osuna
Keyword(s):  
Content Analysis ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Euro Crisis ◽  
Vocal Expression ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Mainstream Press ◽  
National Governments

The protests of the Indignados in Spain and their counterpart of Aganaktismeni in Greece have been the most vocal expression of civic discontent against the ways the Euro crisis has been handled by national governments and the Eurozone. This article studies how these protests have been covered in the mainstream press. Drawing upon the ‘protest paradigm’, which longstanding research has employed to describe the template and biased way protests have been traditionally covered, we have conducted content analysis of mainstream Spanish and Greek newspapers. We argue that the overall coverage moved beyond the protest paradigm. It adopted a more positive tone in reporting the protests, including the individual voices of the protesters and covering the performative aspects of the movement in positive terms. At the same time, however, the protests were overwhelmingly reported as a mere expression of resentment against the status quo rather than as offering valid political alternatives.

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