The theoretical implanting of the concept of political ignorance in Islamic political thought

Author(s):  
Mohammed Hazem Hamid

The political ignorance is an integral  concept in political Islamic thought, the research shows that concept is theoretical determination among legitimate assumptions and illustrate its conceptual roots and determinate its indication features, represented  by Holy Quran and Honorable Prophet Traditions (Sunnah) described by the principle sources for the political and Islamic sources, from these two divine  sources , the political thinkers has derived  the concept of political and  an endoscopy  and analysis of , the study require to divide the thesis into two demand , the first is : the concept of political ignorance in Holy Quran and Honorable Prophet Traditions (Sunnah), the second demand : the conceptualization of  the concept of political ignorance

2018 ◽  
pp. 265-294
Author(s):  
م.د.جاسم محمد عبد الكريم ◽  
م.د.ناهدة محمد زبون

Abstract : The concept of moderation is one of the important concepts that have been discussed in political thought in general and in Islamic political thought in particular. It concerns the status of moderation and balance and the need of Islamic societies to apply them in contemporary times. The Islamic societies faced challenges facing Islamic advancement. And the right, which is the middle between the excessive and the excessive -and the exaggeration and cost-, and between negligence and default, moderation and integritybetween both two sides are: excessive and negligent". In addition, the concept of moderation and its intellectual roots have been sought in the Holy Quran and the noble prophetic, and the search for its characteristics which are characterized by Islamic thought, namely: ideological, moral, middle and balanced, also faced challenges and obstacles that hindered its advancement and progress, most notably terrorism or politicized violence, sectarianism, intolerance and tyranny, ways and means to address these challenges to build a secure, stable and prosperous society in various fields.


Author(s):  
El Fadl Khaled Abou

This chapter examines potentialities, i.e. the doctrinal aspects in Islamic political thought that could legitimate, promote, or subvert the emergence of a constitutional practice in Muslim cultures. These doctrinal potentialities exist in a dormant state until they are co-opted and directed by systematic thought supported by cumulative social practices. The discussions focus on doctrinal potentialities or concepts constructed by the interpretive activity of Muslim scholars (primarily jurists). It covers the notion of constitutionalism and majoritarian democracy; the main concepts of Islamic political thought; justice as a core constitutional value; the instrumentalities of government in Islamic thought; the possibility of individual rights; and constitutionalism and Sharīʻah.


1995 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 270-273
Author(s):  
Ibrahim M. Abu-Rabi'

This is perhaps one of the most useful books I have come across inrecent years. In an age when almost every Middle East or Islamic studiesspecialist is obsessed with "political Islam" or "radical or fundamentalistIslam," and when the western mass media and below-average media specialistson the Muslim world try to explain "the rage of Islam" to theiraudience, this book is a forceful reminder that the political language ofcontemporary Islamic revivalism is grounded in a historically establishedand rich Islamic (political) tradition. It also reminds us that in order to dojustice to the political principles of the modem Islamic movement, boththe academics and the media specialists must familiarize themselves withthis rich and historically constructed tradition.The author's primary intention is to document and discuss the mainsources (i.e., writings) of Islamic political thought from the first centuriesto the present. To 'Arif, the Islamic theory of knowledge and practice,which is based on the Qur'an and the Sunnah, has worked as a catalyst thatenabled the Muslim mind to construct a unique political theory that takesinto account changing sociopolitical and historical conditions. As a result,"political thought" has always formed the crux of Islamic thinking in generaland has never been divorced from the unique evolution and progressof Islamic civilization. What this means, in effect, is that for a modemscholar to carry out research, let us say, on the concept of jihad in Islam,he/she must trace the concept to its earlier sources and study it in its epistemologicaland historical evolutions. Concepts do change, depending on ...


Author(s):  
Andrew F. March

For Islamic thought, the problem of modernity is inseparable from the problem of the relative power imbalance between the West and the lands of Islam. The variety of intellectual trends within Islamic thought all have as their primary stimulus (in some form or another) the imperative of providing authentic ‘Islamic answers’ to the problems of Western colonialism and imperialism and the corresponding Muslim political and economic weakness. All of the main debates which form the contours of modern Islamic political thought – the relative status of reason versus revelation, the immutability versus the reformability of Islamic law, the moral status of national or regional versus pan-Islamic political membership, the status of non-Muslim states and relationships with non-Muslims, the legitimacy of democratic forms of rule, the laws of warfare and political violence, the place of technology – have taken place in reaction to Western ascendancy and hegemony. For the purposes of studying Islamic political thought it is therefore appropriate to date the onset of modernity as late as the mid-nineteenth century. We may thus mark the beginning of a distinctly modern Islamic political intellectual tradition with the school of Islamic Modernism. This movement represents the first attempt to deal with the challenge of Western ascendancy in a non-traditionalist or purely conservative manner. While Islamic Modernism never succeeded in creating a mass political consciousness or defending a coherent intellectual and political position between outright secularism and Islamic revivalism, it marks the break between late medieval traditionalism and twentieth-century Islamic fundamentalism. The latter movement – whether known as Revivalism, fundamentalism or Salafism – represents a rejection of Modernism’s attempts to reform Islamic law and willingness to borrow from the West in mundane matters, but possesses a mass character and intellectual vitality not characteristic of traditional scholastic Islam in the nineteenth century. Islamic Modernism emerged as an elite movement in the later part of the nineteenth century as an attempt to bridge Islamic theological and epistemological commitments with Western modernity. It was an attempt both to rehabilitate Islam as a source of knowledge, identity and inspiration for Muslims, and to allow Muslims to incorporate those cultural and intellectual aspects of European modernity seen as necessary for competing with Western political and economic power. The core tenet of Islamic Modernism was that Islam itself was not the cause of nineteenth-century Muslim stagnation, but that certain theological and canonical reforms were necessary to awaken Muslims from their submissiveness and quietism. Islamic Revivalism is the broad ideological trend which insists on the centrality of religion in all aspects of Muslim family, social, economic and political life. It emerged as an explicit rejection of both inter-war secularist trends and Islamic Modernism. For revivalists, the latter represent an apologetic, pro-Western betrayal of core Islamic commitments, although Revivalism in some manifestations shares Modernism’s rejection of what it perceives as the conservative, quietist, passive nature of traditional orthodox scholarship and the insistence on direct engagement with the Qur’an. While rejecting many of Modernism’s reforms and openness to change, and reverting to many of the doctrinal positions of the medieval legal schools, Revivalism has as its central raison d’être the provision of authentic ‘Islamic solutions’ to modern social problems and the weakness of Muslim lands; this aspiration to popular support and tangible results leaves Revivalism at times at odds with the self-restraint, caution and concern with methodology which characterized the medieval religious scholars.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-349
Author(s):  
M Munawar

This paper is based on a literature study that aims to examine the relevance and implementation of Islamic politics in the political arena of Indonesia, the majority of which are Muslims. The results of the study concluded that in the era of 70s emerged ??Nurcholish Madjid's idea that "Islam YES, Islamic party NO" and it had established a new awareness for Muslims on the desired goal which is not idealism about the establishment of an Islamic State, but a just and prosperous society. Islam is no longer seen as a symbolic structure, but rather the spirit of values ??that are brought and developed in the life of the state. Efforts to articulate Islamic politics in Indonesia are important issues that need to be addressed to provide a possible synthesis between Islam and the State, therefore the study of Islamic political thought that is unique to Indonesia is not only attractive but urgent to do. In line with the conclusions above, it is expected that this paper can trigger students, especially those who choose the Department of Siyasah Jinayah so that Islamic political thought not only be a mere discourse but should be more focused on the aspect of its implementation to move towards a more advanced Indonesia.


POLITEA ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 99
Author(s):  
Ozi Setiadi

Typology of Islamic Political Thinking: Liberal, Moderate, and Fundamentals. This study will analyze the three models of political thinking, Liberal, moderate, and fundamental. This is done with an analytical descriptive approach. The results of this paper illustrate that the presence of liberal, moderate and fundamental Islamic political thought is unavoidable. This is a consequence of the development of a culture of thought originating from different places and locations. The thinking of liberal Islam wants the absence of limits in understanding normative texts of religion, contrary to the fundamentals that actually want the opposite and are very textual. While moderate Islamic thought seeks to take the midpoint of the differences that occur between liberal Islamic political thought and fundamentals. These three thinking models have their respective weaknesses. Liberal thought has a tendency to minimize the use of text, and the dominance of the use of ratios. Fundamental thinking has a tendency to dominate the use of text, and is often trapped in classical period romance. Whereas moderate thinking takes value from both, so it sometimes collides with liberal and fundamental thinking, and is considered not to have a solid consistency of thought.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-22
Author(s):  
Mohd Ridzuan Mohamad ◽  
Basri Ibrahim

Since the death of the Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him), the question of Islamic Governance has become a hot debate among Islamic scholars, among others the appointment of leaders. Hence, the Islamic history has proven that there are various concepts of leadership appointments that make it possible to pinpoint the best one, especially for today’s state of affairs. The objective of this study was to explain the position of the theories of Islamic scholars on the appointment of leaders from the perspective of Fiqh Siyasah. This study was qualitative because it involved library researches on political books and Islamic history. The findings showed that there were seven forms of leadership appointments in the context of Fiqh Siyasah, based on three theories of Islamic thought. The first was Islamic thought in the 7th to 13th AD, second was Islamic thought in the 14th and 18th centuries of Islam and the third was Islamic thought of the 19th century until present day. In conclusion, these theories showed that the appointment of leaders was a matter of ijtihad. As compared to the today’s concept of the appointment of leaders, it is not contrary to Islamic values according to Fiqh Siyasah.Keywords: al-Hall wa al-‘Aqd, Fiqh Siyasah, Mushawarah, Islamic Political Thought and Leader Appointment     Sejak kewafatan Rasulullah s.a.w. persoalan ketatanegaraan Islam menjadi perdebatan hangat dalam kalangan para sarjana Islam antaranya perlantikan pemimpin. Justeru, sejarah Islam telah membuktikan bahawa terdapat pelbagai konsep perlantikan pemimpin sehingga tidak dinyatakan konsep terbaik untuk diamalkan pada masa kini. Objektif kajian ini menjelaskan kedudukan teori-teori para sarjana Islam berhubung perlantikan pemimpin dari perspektif fiqh siyāsah. Kajian ini bersifat kajian kualitatif kerana melibatkan penelitian perpustakaan terhadap buku-buku politik dan sejarah Islam. Dapatan kajian ini menjelaskan terdapat tujuh bentuk pelantikan pemimpin dalam konteks fiqh siyasah berasaskan tiga teori pemikiran Islam iaitu pertama pemikiran Islam pada abad 7 hingga 13 Masihi, kedua pemikiran Islam pada abad 14 hingga 18 Masihi dan ketiga pemikiran Islam pada abad 19 hingga sekarang. Kesimpulannya, teori-teori ini menunjukkan perlantikan pemimpin merupakan perkara ijtihad. Jika dibandingkan konsep pelantikan pemimpin pada masa sekarang ini, ianya tidak berlawanan dengan nilai-nilai keislaman menurut fiqh siyasah.   Kata kunci: al-Hall wa al-‘Aqd , Fiqh Siyasah, Mushawarah, Pemikiran Politik Islam dan Perlantikan Pemimpin


POLITEA ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 29
Author(s):  
Abdulloh Hamid ◽  
Darwis Darwis ◽  
Santi Andriyani

<p class="06IsiAbstrak"><span lang="EN-GB">Labelling <em>cebong</em> and <em>kampret</em> among supporters of Joko Widodo and Prabowo Subianto has been stronger in political phenomenon of Indonesia. This research aims to compare the political polarization after death of Prophet Muhammad with political polarization which is happening right now in Indonesia by using approach of Islamic political thought. This research also used library research as methodology of research to analyse the equal between bhoth phenomena in order to take lesson from the old phenomenon in mainting the unity of people in contemporary phenomenon exactly in Indonesia. The research found that to gain political power always cause polarization and conflict among people within society. Indonesian must learn from it to safeguard the unity of Indnesia as nation state</span></p><span>           Keywords: Cebong, Kampret, Politic, Islamic Political Thought</span>


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-77
Author(s):  
Abu Bakar

Abstract: this article explains the political thought of Kahar Muzakkar. Kahar Muzakkar proclaimed his Islamic state with the name of Republik Persatuan Islam Indonesia (RPII) on 14 of May 1962 which is a realization of his Islamic political thought. Kahar Muzakkar wanted a federal state and positioned sharia as the state foundation. In addition to sharia, Kahar Muzakkar viewed that social justice and democracy were potential concepts that workable for his Islamic federal state. Concerning executive system, he opted for presidential system in which his Islamic federal state was to be led by a president directly elected by people with members of cabinet. Legislative body was also to be formed which would consist of Nation Assembly and the senate. Similar arrangement would be applied for states. Kahar Muzakkar believed that this model would save human civilization. He called this as Demokrasi Sejati in which the ultimate authority is God. God’s law is applicable for all aspects of life as has been revealed in the Quran and Hadith Key words: kahar Muzakkar, Islamic Political Thought, Demokrasi Sejati


ICR Journal ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 144-146
Author(s):  
Showkat Ahmad Dar

This book is an important - though controversial - addition to the discourse surrounding Islamic political thought. It traces its lineage to the debate advocating a separation of religion and politics. By putting this politico-religious discourse into a new oxymoronic term, ‘religious secularity’, the author attempts to construct another theological challenge to the concept of an Islamic state. Hailing from Iran, Dr. Naser Ghobadzadeh (currently a Research Fellow at the Institute for Social Justice, the Australian Catholic University), examines Islamic politico-religious discourse in the context of his homeland. Briefly reviewing the political struggles Muslims have faced during the second half of the twentieth century while trying to fulfil their aspirations of establishing an Islamic state, he attempts to describe the parallel Iranian quest for a democratic secular state. Being aware of the varied definitions and understandings of the term ‘secularism’, he intentionally uses the term ‘secularity’ to clarify the distinction between the emerging discourse in Iran and the conventional understanding of secularism as a global paradigm. This discourse, according to the author, was first developed following a series of articles written by Abdulkarim Soroush in 1989, in which the latter emphasized a separation of religion from religious knowledge (p.25). The author ignores, however, the Sunni scholar, Shaykh Ali Abdul Raziq, who, in his book entitled al-Islam wa usul al-Hukm (1925), held the same view. This might be because of the author’s focus on Shi'ite political thought.


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