scholarly journals Protecting Cisnormative Private and Public Spheres: The Canadian Conservative Denunciation of Transgender Rights

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 497-517
Author(s):  
Alexa DeGagne

The public sphere has been seen by conservatives as an arena for safeguarding private relations. Private power relations (in the family, religion, community and economy) could be threatened by newly recognized social groups that make claims on the state for justice and equality. Therefore, conservatives have been concerned about who can speak and exist in public and who can thereby make demands on the state. In the debates over transgender rights in Canada, social conservatives and neoliberal forces have merged in complex and impactful ways. Analyzing House of Commons and Senate debates and committee proceedings for Bill C-279 (2015) and Bill C-16 (2016–2017), I examine three conservative arguments that illustrate attempts to maintain private power relations and hierarchal gendered divisions by ensuring that transgender and gender nonconforming people are not allowed to exist, speak or make claims in public: first, the assertion that gender identity and gender expression are not definable identity categories for claims-making because transgender people are deceptive and can change their gender based on their feelings; second, the targeting of public facilities, and particularly public bathrooms, as sites of contention, danger and necessary gender segregation; and third, the attempt to delegitimize rights claims by criminalizing transgender people in relation to cisgender women and children.

2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-241 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea L. Wirtz ◽  
Tonia C. Poteat ◽  
Mannat Malik ◽  
Nancy Glass

Gender-based violence (GBV) is an umbrella term for any harm that is perpetrated against a person’s will and that results from power inequalities based on gender roles. Most global estimates of GBV implicitly refer only to the experiences of cisgender, heterosexually identified women, which often comes at the exclusion of transgender and gender nonconforming (trans) populations. Those who perpetrate violence against trans populations often target gender nonconformity, gender expression or identity, and perceived sexual orientation and thus these forms of violence should be considered within broader discussions of GBV. Nascent epidemiologic research suggests a high burden of GBV among trans populations, with an estimated prevalence that ranges from 7% to 89% among trans populations and subpopulations. Further, 165 trans persons have been reported murdered in the United States between 2008 and 2016. GBV is associated with multiple poor health outcomes and has been broadly posited as a component of syndemics, a term used to describe an interaction of diseases with underlying social forces, concomitant with limited prevention and response programs. The interaction of social stigma, inadequate laws, and punitive policies as well as a lack of effective GBV programs limits access to and use of GBV prevention and response programs among trans populations. This commentary summarizes the current body of research on GBV among trans populations and highlights areas for future research, intervention, and policy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 269-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jessica MacNamara ◽  
Sarah Glann ◽  
Paul Durlak

How can teachers help students understand the importance of gender pronouns for transgender and gender-nonconforming people? This article presents a gender pronoun reversal activity that simulates the experience of being verbally misgendered. Students followed up on the activity by posting reflections on an online class discussion board. The activity promoted empathy among cisgender students for transgender people and reflexivity regarding the social boundaries of gender identity. Empathy and reflexivity were common responses among students enrolled in Sociology of Diversity and Sociology of Gender at a large research university in the northeast. We present the activity, including preparation and follow-up along with an analysis of student responses.


2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 200-214
Author(s):  
Matthew E. Vanaman ◽  
Hanah A. Chapman

AbstractMany U.S. states have proposed policies that restrict bathroom access to an individual’s birth sex. These policies have had widespread effects on safety for transgender and gender-nonconforming people, as well as on state economies. In this registered report, we assessed the role of disgust in support for policies that restrict transgender bathroom access. We found that sensitivity to pathogen disgust was positively associated with support for bathroom restrictions; sexual and injury disgust were unrelated. We also examined the role of disgust-driven moral concerns, known as purity concerns, as well as harm-related moral concerns in support for bathroom restrictions. While concerns about harm to cisgender and transgender people predicted support for bathroom restrictions, purity was a much stronger predictor. Also, purity partially mediated the link between pathogen disgust and support for bathroom restrictions, even after accounting for harm concerns. Findings and implications are discussed.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 58-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lichao Yang ◽  
Xiaodong Ren

<p>This article explores impacts of migration on young women’s status and gender practice in rural northern China. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in a village in Shanxi Province, it suggests that rural-urban migration has served partially to reconstruct the traditional gender-based roles and norms in migration families. This reconstructive force arises mainly from the changes of the patrilocal residence pattern and rural women’s acquisition of subjectivity during the course of migration. However, after migrant women return to their home villages, they usually reassume their roles as care providers and homemakers, which is vividly expressed by a phrase referring to one’s wife as ‘the person inside my home’ (<em>wo jiali de</em>). Meanwhile, although migrant women’s capacity and confidence have greatly increased consequent upon working out of the countryside, their participation in village governance and in the public sphere has been decreasing. Further examination suggests that the reinforcement of gender inequality and the transformation of gender relations result from the continuous interplay of local power relations, market dominance, and unchallenged patrilocal institutions. Through adopting a life course perspective, it challenges too strict a differentiation between migrant and left behind women in existing literature.</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-93
Author(s):  
Rafia Naz Ali ◽  
Johar Wajahat ◽  
Muhammad Jan

The 3 P's, i.e., the security, promotion, and provision of fundamental rights to its people, are widely regarded as the hallmarks of an effective legal system. These 3Ps are enforced in both formal and informal legal structures. Gender-based violence (GBV) at work is the most well-known form of GBV in our culture, which is marked by patriarchy and gender segregation. When harassment occurs in the workplace, it makes a female's working experience unpleasant, harmful, and aggressive. It makes it difficult for her to obtain a legitimate position and respect in the workplace. According to a survey, 77 percent of Pakistani women employed in different occupations are unaware of their human rights in cases of sexual abuse. According to the National Commission on the Status of Women, 50 percent of women interviewed from the public and private sectors had been sexually harassed and were hesitant to report the truth. The Protection against Harassment of Women at Workplace Act of 2010 was enacted in Pakistan's history to protect women from mischief and ensure a safe workplace. It manifested constitutional protections enlisted under Fundamental rights. Non-traditional job structures, such as farm work, domestic and home-based work, are part of Pakistan's socio-economic culture. Even on non-traditional job bases, the Act of 2010 made it possible to directly contact the Office of Ombudsperson or file a criminal complaint. This article aims to examine the current state and efficacy of workplace discrimination legislation.


Author(s):  
Lynn R. Offermann ◽  
Kira Foley

Women have historically been underrepresented in leadership positions across private and public organizations around the globe. Gender inequality and gender discrimination remain very real challenges for women workers in general, and especially so for women striving for leadership positions. Yet organizational research suggests that female leaders may bring a unique constellation of leadership-related traits, attributes, and behaviors to the workplace that may provide advantages to their organizations. Specific cultural and organizational work contexts may facilitate or inhibit a female leadership advantage. Reaping the benefits of female leadership relies on an organization’s ability to combat the numerous barriers female leaders face that male leaders often do not, including gender-based discrimination, implicit bias, and unfair performance evaluations. Despite these challenges, the literature suggests that a reasoned consideration of the positive aspects of women’s leadership is not only warranted but is instructive for organizations hoping to reap the benefits of a diverse workforce.


Hypatia ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 668-689
Author(s):  
Perry Zurn

After reviewing the use of isolation in US prisons and public restrooms to confine transgender people in solitary cells and single‐occupancy bathrooms, I propose an explanatory theory of eliminative space. I argue that prisons and toilets are eliminative spaces: that is, spaces of waste management that use layers of isolation to sanctify social or individual waste, at the outer and inner limits of society. As such, they function according to an eliminative logic. Eliminative logic, as I develop it, involves three distinct but interrelated mechanisms: 1) purification of the social center, through 2) iterative segregation, presuming and enforcing 3) the reduced relationality of marginal persons. By evaluating the historical development and contemporary function of prisons and restrooms, I demonstrate that both seek to protect the gender binary through waves of segregation by sex, race, disability, and gender identity. I further argue that both assume the thin relationality of, in this case, transgender people, who are conceived of as impervious to the effects of isolation and thus always already isolable. I conclude that, if we are to counter the violence of these isolation practices, we not only need to think holistically about eliminative spaces and logic, but also to richly reconceptualize relationality.


2013 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 109-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Babacar M’Baye

Abstract:This article traces the history of homosexual and transgender behavior in Senegal from colonial times to the contemporary period in order to demonstrate the flimsiness of the claims, made by many political and religious leaders and scholars, that homosexuality is “un-African.” Such claims, which appear as reactions to neocolonialism and Western intervention in African affairs, usually are homophobic discourses that invoke patriotism, cultural difference, and morality in order to justify the subjugation of homosexual and gender nonconforming individuals (goor-jiggens) living in Senegal. In an attempt to understand the roots of Senegalese homophobia, the article analyzes several depictions of homosexuals and transgender people in contemporary Senegal and traces them to similar representations in European writings of the colonial period. As this approach reveals, homosexuals and transgender people in Senegal, from colonial times to the present, have been constructed as scapegoats, first of the French mission civilisatrice (civilizing mission) and then of Senegalese political and Islamic backlashes. Although they have always cohabited with the rest of the society, homosexuals and transgender people in Senegal have been treated largely as strangers in their own land. By analyzing the discourses of both French colonials and Senegalese, one finds a persistent binary opposing the West and Africa and denigrating sexual and gender variances and subcultures in Senegal as pathological European imports.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. v-vi
Author(s):  
Claudia Mitchell

The concerns addressed by the authors in this issue point to the need for a reimagining of girlhood as it is currently framed by settler and carceral states. To quote the guest editors, Sandrina de Finney, Patricia Krueger-Henney, and Lena Palacios, “The very notions of girl and girlhood are embedded in a colonial privileging of white, cis-heteropatriarchal, ableist constructs of femininity bolstered by Euro-Western theories of normative child development that were—and still are—violently imposed on othered, non-white girls, queer, and gender-nonconforming bodies.” Indigenous-led initiatives in Canada, such as the Networks for Change: Girl-led ‘from the Ground up’ Policy-making to Address Sexual Violence in Canada and South Africa project, highlighted in four of the eight articles in this issue, along with the insights and recommendations offered in the articles that deal with the various positionalities and contexts of Latinx and Black girls, can be described as creating a new trail. In using the term trail, here, I am guided by the voices of the Indigenous researchers, activists, elders, and community scholars who participated in the conference called More Than Words in Addressing Sexual and Gender-based Violence: A Dialogue on the Impact of Indigenous-focused, Youthled Engagement Through the Arts on Families and Communities held in Montreal. Their use of the term trail suggests a new order, one that is balanced between the ancestors and spiritual teachings on the one hand, and contemporary spaces that need to be decolonized on the other with this initiative being guided by intergenerationality and a constant interrogation of language. The guest editors of this special issue and all the contributors have gone a long way on this newly named trail.


2018 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 02010
Author(s):  
Ristina Yudhanti ◽  
Adi Sulistiyono ◽  
Isharyanto

The discourse of obligation that female has representatives in politics continuously occurred by the agreement of equal position between male and female. This discourse must be implemented by the state to achieve national purpose as decided by substance and the various instrument by the constitution. By fair and gender equality, so the state is obligated to give protection for implementing gender equality including particular actions involving access, participation, control in development process and equal as well as fair benefit between female and male to gender-based approach. The legal political policy of general election in the future is to fulfill Affirmative Action policy by 30% quota for woman in the general election system in Indonesia. It has to prioritize several factors which are the change of general election system, the political party, and the political culture approach in Indonesia. It is needed the Political will of a political party as an executor to implement Affirmative Action as well as to realize gender equality in a political position in Indonesia. It is expected that regulation formulating policy of general election and political party in the future is not only focused on normative policy but also balanced by sanction policy.


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