scholarly journals Is a Feminist Political Liberalism Possible?

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christie Hartley ◽  
Lori Watson

Is a feminist political liberalism possible? Political liberalism’s regard for a wide range of comprehensive doctrines as reasonable makes some feminists skeptical of its ability to address sex inequality. Indeed, some feminists claim that political liberalism maintains its position as a political liberalism at the expense of securing substantive equality for women. We claim that political liberalism’s core commitments actually restrict all reasonable political conceptions of justice to those that secure genuine substantive equality for all, including women and other marginalized groups. In particular, we argue that political liberalism’s criterion of reciprocity limits reasonable political conceptions of justice to those that eliminate social conditions of domination and subordination relevant to reasonable democratic deliberation among equal citizens and that the criterion of reciprocity requires the social conditions necessary for recognition respect among persons as equal citizens. As a result, we maintain that the criterion of reciprocity limits reasonable political conceptions of justice to those that provide genuine equality for women along various dimensions of social life central to equal citizenship.

Author(s):  
Christie Hartley

This chapter makes the case that political liberalism is a feminist liberalism. It is argued that political liberalism’s ideas of reciprocity and equal citizenship limit reasonable political conceptions of justice to only those that include principles that yield substantive equality for all, including women (and other marginalized groups). To this end, it is claimed that the criterion of reciprocity calls for (1) the eradication of social conditions of domination and subordination relevant to democratic deliberation among free and equal citizens and (2) the provision of the social conditions of recognition respect. As a result, the criterion of reciprocity limits reasonable political conceptions of justice to those that provide genuine equality for women along various dimensions of social life central to equal citizenship.


John Rawls ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 249-262
Author(s):  
Christie Hartley ◽  
Lori Watson

Some feminists claim that liberal theories lack the resources necessary for fully diagnosing and remedying the social subordination of persons as members of social groups. Part of the problem is that liberals focus too narrowly on the state as the locus of political power. However, equal citizenship is also affected by systems of power that operate in the background culture and that construct social hierarchies in which persons are subordinated as members of social groups. This chapter argues that political liberalism, properly understood, entails a commitment to substantive equality such that it has the internal resources to address the kinds of inequality produced by unjust forms of social power. Although some will claim that if the basic structure is the subject of justice, political liberalism will still fall short of securing gender justice, we explain why this worry is misplaced.


Author(s):  
Christie Hartley ◽  
Lori Watson

This book is a defense of political liberalism as a feminist liberalism. The first half of the book develops and defends a novel interpretation of political liberalism. It is argued that political liberals should accept a restrictive account of public reason and that political liberals’ account of public justification is superior to the leading alternative, the convergence account of public justification. In the second half of the book, it is argued that political liberalism’s core commitments restrict all reasonable conceptions of justice to those that secure genuine, substantive equality for women and other marginalized groups. Here it is demonstrated how public reason arguments can be used to support law and policy needed to address historical sites of women’s subordination to advance equality; prostitution, the gendered division of labor and marriage, in particular, are considered.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 90-101
Author(s):  
V. Constanza Ocampo-Raeder

In this article I present the social life of camarones, a Peruvian river crustacean used in some of the region’s favorite dishes, and the liminal space they occupy in the geography, minds, and ecosystem of Peru and its people. I situate the relationship between these crawfish and the folks who capture them, known as camaroneros, within insights of environmental anthropologists and food scholars who also explore the connections between cultural and biological diversity and the entangled socio-ecological histories that inform the manner in which nature is mediated and understood by local societies. In this article, however, I expand this understanding to reveal unexpected spaces of engagement, especially those that emerge while eating, which tend to be overlooked by bounded notions of culture and nature and limit the ways we can imagine human-nature relationships. Via the story of camarones and camaroneros of one river valley of Peru, I argue that eating is a socio-ecological act that is imbued with profound cultural meanings involving a wide range of participants—not just farmers or producers—each with their own ecological identities yet still implicitly linked to one another through the process of producing, preparing, and consuming food.


Author(s):  
Paul Spicker

Thinking collectively is a book about the meaning, implications and value of collectivism in social policy. Collectivism is not a single, unitary idea; it covers a wide range of approaches that depend on the importance of groups and organisations in social life. Substantive collectivism is the idea that we live, not as 'individuals', but as the members of social groups, like families, neighbourhoods and communities, and that many of our actions are done together with others in organisations and social institutions. Methodological collectivism looks for explanations and patterns of behaviour not in the actions of individual human beings, but in the actions of groups. Moral collectivism begins from the premise that collective social groups - families, businesses, institutions, governments and countries - are moral agents; that they have rights and responsibilities, that groups as well as individuals can take moral action, and that the morality of their actions can sensibly be assessed in those terms. Collective action is defined, not by what is to be done, but how. The practice of collective action, and the character of provision made, tend in their turn to influence the kinds of things that people want their services to do. Democratic deliberation, voice and empowerment become the expectation and practice of public services; co-operation, working together, sharing and solidarity come to be seen as virtues in themselves. The book makes a case for a collective approach to the common weal, based on society, the common good, solidarity, stewardship, rights, equality and a sense of common enterprise.


Africa ◽  
1967 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 389-406 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daryll Forde

Opening ParagraphThe foundation and the broad policies of our Institute emerged from what proved a fortunate conjunction of diverse interests and opportunities that developed after the First World War. The initial phase of modern economic advance in tropical Africa, following the introduction of the telegraph, railways, all-weather roads, was by the twenties making apparent a wide range of needs and opportunities for further progress in Africa—progress in which both the interests of, and contribution by, its peoples would be closely concerned. Within African territories the demand for literacy and training in new skills both more extensive and at higher levels was becoming more and more obvious and pressing. The significance of the increasing and inevitable association of Africans and their communities with a world economy was beginning to be more widely appreciated. With this growing recognition of the need for a more positive and constructive response many questions arose concerning not only the means of fostering such developments, but also their effects on the attitudes, beliefs, and institutions that had hitherto sustained the cultures and the social life of largely autonomous tribes and chiefdoms.


1970 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 61-67
Author(s):  
Efthymios Spyridon Georgiou

This paper is focused on the anthropology of space, in architectural and cultural monuments of the mountainous village of Konitsa. Epirus is region that presents a harmonious collaboration between nature and people. The purpose of the anthropological research approach was focused on the way in which the dynamics of cultural heritage are perceived by local residents. The main research question concerns the perceptions of the social actors of the village of Konitsa regarding the cultural monuments in the region. The methodology of fieldwork had as a key tool the use of interviews, charts, discussions with the locals, walks, tours and visits as well as observation of locations, people and monuments. The inhabitants currently living in the wider area of Konitsa, are directly related to the tangible reality of history, folklore and tradition of monuments, something that can be easily detected through a wide range of aspects of the region’s ‘’social life’’ (Appadurai & Kopytoff, 1986). Although the cultural and traditional heritage refer to the past, they have a significant impact on the present era and they also have the ability to determine the future. (Bulter & Rowlahds, 2012). The cultural management is an advantage of Konitsa and the cooperation with the social associations, for example agriculture partnerships, can reduce the unemployment as well as the immigration and help in the economic development. This research paper is based on the fieldwork and theoretical lessons in the Summer School Konitsa 2016 of Border Crossing Network.


2020 ◽  

The Covid-19 pandemic has led to radical interventions in healthcare and social life, the efficiency and appropriateness of which are now increasingly at the centre of controversy. In this volume, renowned scientists, academics and experts from a wide range of disciplines reflect and comment on how to deal with the pandemic. Among other things, the following topics are discussed: the statements of national ethics committees, the issue of triage, the acceptability of interventions in fundamental freedoms, the social isolation of those affected, the handling of religious and spiritual needs as well as deeper social changes during the crisis. Overall, this publication makes an important contribution to the resolution of the coronavirus crisis. With contributions by Maria Berghofer, Alois Birklbauer, Nadine Brühwiler, Barbara Derler, Stefan Dinges, Gerhard Falzberger, Eckhard Frick SJ, Isabella Guanzini, Karin Gubisch, Hartmann Jörg Hohensinner, Gerhard Hundsdorfer, Ulrich H.J. Körtner, Wolfgang Köle, Wolfgang Kröll, Martin M. Lintner, Univ.-Prof. Manfred Novak, Jochen Ostheimer, Sabine Petritsch, Brigitte Pichler, Gerhard Pichler, Johann Platzer, Franz Ploner, Regina Polak, Simon Romagnoli, Michael Rosenberger, Walter Schippinger, Christoph Seidl, Martina Schmidhuber, Eberhard Schockenhoff, Detlev Schwarz, Martin Splett, Willibald J. Stronegger, Jean-Daniel Strub, Christa Tax, Arnika Thonhofer, Andreas Valentin, Stephan Winter, Univ.-Prof. Werner Wolbert.


2020 ◽  
Vol 81 (4) ◽  
pp. 357-370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph O Baker ◽  
Gerardo Martí ◽  
Ruth Braunstein ◽  
Andrew L Whitehead ◽  
Grace Yukich

Abstract In this brief note written during a global pandemic, we consider some of the important ways this historical moment is altering the religious landscape, aiming our investigative lens at how religious institutions, congregations, and individuals are affected by the social changes produced by COVID-19. This unprecedented time prompts scholars of religion to reflect on how to strategically approach the study of religion in the time of “social distancing,” as well as moving forward. Particularly important considerations include developing heuristic, innovative approaches for revealing ongoing changes to religion, as well as how religion continues to structure social life across a wide range of contexts, from the most intimate and personal to the most public and global. Although our note can only be indicative rather than exhaustive, we do suggest that the initial groundwork for reconsiderations might productively focus on several key analytical themes, including: Epidemiology, Ideology, Religious Practice, Religious Organizations and Institutions, as well as Epistemology and Methodology. In offering these considerations as a starting point, we remain aware (and hopeful) that inventive and unanticipated approaches will also emerge.


Author(s):  
Christie Hartley

The introduction acknowledges that although liberalism promises equality for all citizens, liberal democratic societies fall short of this ideal in many ways. Of special concern is the inequality that members of socially subordinated groups endure despite the guarantee of formal equality. Liberal theorists have not yet adequately shown that liberalism can address such group based subordination and can secure substantive equality for all. The introduction explains that the aim of this book is to show that at least one version of liberalism—political liberalism—is a feminist liberalism and that the core commitments of this view restrict all reasonable conceptions of justice to those that secure genuine, substantive equality for women and other marginalized groups. An overview of each chapter is provided.


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