scholarly journals Freedom Of Expression And Freedom Of Movement In The Immigration Space: Substance Over Forum

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Nicholas Cross

<p>Globalisation and the availability of information through television and the internet have been a boon for the spread of ideas and for freedom of expression. These trends have also created challenges for the regulation of expression. Those with hateful views or harmful information have just as much access to modern communication tools as the rest of us. How policy makers respond to the free flow of information raises a multitude of questions.  However there is no doubt that the state still holds the upper hand in controlling the freedom of movement between borders. Despite the availability of information technology there is still a need for interpersonal communication to facilitate the freedom of expression. The freedom of movement is therefore important to enabling the freedom of expression, and states can restrict the later by restricting the former.  The aim of this paper is to comprehensively scrutinise the different approaches taken to regulating freedom of movement for the purpose of regulating freedom of expression. It looks with judicial reviews within common law jurisdictions and how the issue is managed within their existing human rights legal frameworks.  Firstly the paper will lay out a preferred approach to dealing with the regulation of freedom of expression in an immigration context, bearing in mind the rights which states have to control their borders and the justifications for doing so. The approach places strong emphasis on protecting the freedom of expression for all groups without seeking to challenge the existence or legitimacy of the ways states choose to regulate expression within their borders. It suggests that regulation should be limited to situations where it is likely that the visitor would choose to break the laws of the state they seek to visit, or where their visit could spark disruption involving violence which could not reasonably be controlled by law enforcement.  Secondly the paper will examine four cases from two common law jurisdictions in detail. There is an emphasis on understanding two themes. The first is explaining the broader context of human rights protection within those jurisdictions and how their approach to immigration control reflects or contradicts that protection. The second is upon critiquing and understanding the administrative law implications of the standards of review applied. Reference is made back to the preferred framework to help understand to what extent the cases stand for genuine protection of freedom of expression.</p>

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Nicholas Cross

<p>Globalisation and the availability of information through television and the internet have been a boon for the spread of ideas and for freedom of expression. These trends have also created challenges for the regulation of expression. Those with hateful views or harmful information have just as much access to modern communication tools as the rest of us. How policy makers respond to the free flow of information raises a multitude of questions.  However there is no doubt that the state still holds the upper hand in controlling the freedom of movement between borders. Despite the availability of information technology there is still a need for interpersonal communication to facilitate the freedom of expression. The freedom of movement is therefore important to enabling the freedom of expression, and states can restrict the later by restricting the former.  The aim of this paper is to comprehensively scrutinise the different approaches taken to regulating freedom of movement for the purpose of regulating freedom of expression. It looks with judicial reviews within common law jurisdictions and how the issue is managed within their existing human rights legal frameworks.  Firstly the paper will lay out a preferred approach to dealing with the regulation of freedom of expression in an immigration context, bearing in mind the rights which states have to control their borders and the justifications for doing so. The approach places strong emphasis on protecting the freedom of expression for all groups without seeking to challenge the existence or legitimacy of the ways states choose to regulate expression within their borders. It suggests that regulation should be limited to situations where it is likely that the visitor would choose to break the laws of the state they seek to visit, or where their visit could spark disruption involving violence which could not reasonably be controlled by law enforcement.  Secondly the paper will examine four cases from two common law jurisdictions in detail. There is an emphasis on understanding two themes. The first is explaining the broader context of human rights protection within those jurisdictions and how their approach to immigration control reflects or contradicts that protection. The second is upon critiquing and understanding the administrative law implications of the standards of review applied. Reference is made back to the preferred framework to help understand to what extent the cases stand for genuine protection of freedom of expression.</p>


2021 ◽  
pp. 449-468
Author(s):  
Ian Loveland

In contrast to the constitutional systems adopted by most western democratic nations, the United Kingdom’s form of governance has traditionally not accepted the principle that certain ‘human rights’ should enjoy a normative legal status that placed them beyond the reach of laws made through the ordinary legislative process. Such ‘civil liberties’ or ‘human rights’ as we possess exist in law at the sufferance of parliamentary majorities. Human rights protection has nonetheless been an important part of the courts’ constitutional role, both in terms of the interpretation of legislation and the development of the common law. The organising principle in respect of civil liberties in Britain is that individuals may engage in any activity not prohibited by statute or common law. In addition, neither other individuals nor government officials may interfere with an individual’s legal entitlements unless they can identify a statutory or common law justification for so doing. This chapter discusses the traditional approach taken by Parliament and the courts to several key areas of what we would now regard as human rights law; the regulation of public protest, the protection of personal privacy, and to certain aspects of freedom of expression


2016 ◽  
Vol I (I) ◽  
pp. 85-100
Author(s):  
Ahmed Sohail ◽  
Ahmed Fasih ◽  
Zubair Muhammad

The respect of human rights in a society determines the destination of that society or state. It is the level of satisfaction of citizens of a country which convinces them to work for the growth and progress of that state or society. The people of FATA are living under a draconian law which is known as Frontier Crime Regulations (FCR). There is agrave human rights violation of the people of FATA under this law. Freedom of speech, freedom of expression etc. are hampered by the FCR and the common people live under a threat of collective punishment as well. Moreover, due to military operations against the militants in the area, millions of people from FATA have been displaced. At times, there are grave violations of human rights of the displaced persons as well. This paper will explore the state of human rights in FATA in general and evaluates its impact on the Federation of Pakistan. The paper evaluates different instances of human rights violation in various agencies of FATA and their root causes as well.


Author(s):  
Jorge Ernesto ROA ROA

LABURPENA: Kasuen ikerketa-metodologia erabiliz, Santo Domingo vs. Kolonbia epaiari buruzko iruzkinean, nagusiki, inter-amerikar esparruko giza eskubideen babesari lotutako egiturazko alderdiak aipatzen dira; besteak beste, eta bereziki: nola erabiltzen duen Inter-amerikar Auzitegiak Nazioarteko Zuzenbide Humanitarioa barne-gatazka armatuetako egoeretan; zer erlazio dagoen zigor-jurisdikzio militarraren eta Indar Armatuetako kideek egindako giza eskubideen urraketen ikerketaren artean; zein diren Estatuaren erantzukizuna aitortzeko egintzetarako baldintzak, eta zer elkarreragin dagoen nazioetako eta nazioarteko instantzia judizialen artean giza eskubideen urraketen ordainaz den bezainbatean. Egokiera-arrazoiengatik, alde batera utziko da Kolonbiako Estatuak urratu zituen Amerikar Konbentzioko eskubideetako bakoitzari buruz Giza Eskubideetarako Nazioarteko Auzitegiak erabakitakoaren azterketa. RESUMEN: Mediante la aplicación de la metodología de estudio de caso, el comentario a la Sentencia Santo Domingo vs. Colombia se centra en aspectos estructurales sobre la protección de los derechos humanos en el ámbito interamericano, en especial, el uso que la Corte Interamericana hace del Derecho Internacional Humanitario en situaciones que se producen en contextos de conflictos armados internos, la relación entre la jurisdicción penal militar y la investigación de las violaciones a los derechos humanos cometidas por miembros de las Fuerzas Armadas, los requisitos de los actos de reconocimiento de la responsabilidad del Estado y la interacción entre las instancias judiciales nacionales e internacionales en materia de reparación de violaciones a los derechos humanos. Por razones de oportunidad, se prescinde del análisis del pronunciamiento de la Corte IDH sobre cada uno de los derechos de la Convención Americana que fueron violados por el Estado de Colombia. ABSTRACT: By means of the problem based learning methodology, the analysis of the judgment Santo Domingo vs. Colombia focuses on structural features of the human rights protection within the Inter-American area, specially, the use made by the Inter-American Court of International Humanitarian Law in situations within contexts of internal military conflict, the relationship between military criminal jurisdiction and the investigation of human rights violations committed by Army forces, the requirements of the acts of recognition of the State responsibility and the interaction between the national and international judicial instances regarding the redress for human rights violations. For reasons of practical expediency, we will not analyze the judgment by the Inter-American Court on each of the rights of the American Convention breached by the State of Colombia.


Partner Abuse ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-93
Author(s):  
Doris Sommer ◽  
Josefa Ros Velasco ◽  
Marco Abarca

Alarm spreads among potential victims of domestic violence as cases multiply during the confinement required by COVID19, and authorities face the growing frustration of not knowing how to respond. The question of what to do begs the question of why the lockdown increases domestic violence. Loss of jobs, alcohol, and psychological stress are reasonable answers; but they are predictable and don't suggest new approaches for remedy. This essay considers an unsuspected if obvious trigger of violence at home. Boredom. It is a stressor that becomes intolerable as the pandemic lockdown continues. Since boredom is a volatile condition associated with the lack of engagement, and since boredom is resolved either creatively or violently, an evident program for primary prevention would be to provide disgruntled and potentially aggressive intimate partners with engaging activities. These activities address a responsibility of the State. When the State turns homes into places of involuntary confinement, it levies serious limitations on a range of human rights. Therefore, the State's obligation to address risks, including boredom, is a corollary to restricting freedom of movement. Perhaps the strategy to provide programs will face objections and skepticism. Why should potential perpetrators of violence be beneficiaries of pleasurable programs? And how can pleasure be a remedy when it carries a stigma of irresponsibility or sin? But a practical response to the spike in domestic violence will have to overcome this irrational stigma to become more strategic than moralizing (Sommer, 2014). We should address the spiral of aggression in ways that are effective, not reactive.


Author(s):  
O. Vasylchenko

Ukrainian law guarantees freedom of speech and expression. This is in line with international and regional instruments (Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Declaration of Human Rights) to which Ukraine is a party. Unfortunately, Ukraine is no exception, due to the conflict with the Russian Federation. The Revolution of Dignity of 2014 and the subsequent illegal activities of the neighbouring state (annexation of Crimea, occupation of the territories in the South-East of Ukraine) affected the legislative and regulatory framework of Ukraine regarding freedom of speech and freedom of expression. In order to counter aggression, the state has adopted a number of laws aimed at counteracting foreign interference in broadcasting and ensuring Ukraine’s information sovereignty. The implementation of these laws has been criticized for being seen by NGOs as imposing restrictions on freedom of expression and expression. However, censorship and selfcensorship create another serious restriction on freedom of speech and the press. The Law on Transparency of Mass Media Ownership, adopted in 2015, provides for the disclosure of information on the owners of final beneficiaries (controllers), and in their absence – on all owners and members of a broadcasting organization or service provider. In 2019, Ukraine adopted a law on strengthening the role of the Ukrainian language as the state language, which provides for language quotas for the media. According to the Law on Language, only 10% of total film adaptations can be in a language other than Ukrainian. Ukraine has adopted several laws in the field of information management to counter foreign influence and propaganda. According to the report of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, for the period from January 1, 2017 to February 14, 2018, the State Committee banned 30 books published in the Russian Federation. Thus, for the first time faced with the need to wage an “invisible” war on the information front, Ukraine was forced to take seriously the regulation of the media and the market. By imposing a number of restrictions on a product that can shake sovereignty and increase the authority of the aggressor in the eyes of citizens, the legislator, guided by the needs of society, also contributes to the promotion of Ukrainian (for example, by introducing quotas).


Author(s):  
Richard Clements

The Q&A series offers the best preparation for tackling exam questions. Each chapter includes typical questions; diagram problem and essay answer plans, suggested answers, notes of caution, tips on obtaining extra marks, the key debates on each topic and suggestions on further reading. This chapter moves on from the previous one to examine the freedom of expression. Under common law, freedom of speech is guaranteed unless the speaker breaks the law, but this is now reinforced by the right of free expression under the European Convention on Human Rights. The questions here deal with issues such as obscenity law and contempt of court; the Official Secrets Act; freedom of information; breach of confidence and whether there is a right of privacy in English law.


1989 ◽  
Vol 23 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 375-406 ◽  
Author(s):  
Itzhak Zamir

The State of Israel came into being forty years ago. Its Declaration of Independence proclaimed that the State “shall guarantee complete equal social and political rights to all its citizens without regard to religion, race or sex”. At the time there was a war being waged for Israel's independence, a war which is not yet over. The threat to Israel's security, both from within and without, is still very real. The struggle for security has been going on, unabated, for forty years, and it exacts a price. Among other things, it exacts a price in human rights. Freedom of expression, for example, is subject to military censorship. As a British judge once remarked, war is not waged in accord with the principles of the Magna Carta.


Author(s):  
Yosefina Daku

As the law states, Indonesia  provide the protection of the rights for of all people without the discrimination. By the basis of the mandate of the Preamble to the Constitution of 1945 that "a just and civilized humanity," the Indonesian state guarantees of a society that is fair. Political rights granted by the country with regard to discrimination is legal protection by the state against women's political rights. By participating in the convention and recognized in the form of Law Number 7 Year of 1984 on Ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, an attempt by the state to remove the problems in realizing the equality of women and men. Therefore  the  problem  that  can  formulated are: 1) how the legal protection of women's political rights in Indonesia? 2) how the implementation of Law Number 7 Year of 1984 on Ratification of the Convention on the Eliminationof All Forms of Discrimination Against Women Related Political Rights of Women?. The purpose of this study was to examine the legal protection by the state against the ful fillment of women's political rights in Indonesia and the implementation of protection of women's political rights pursuant of Law Number7 Year of 1984. This research is a normative law. The technique used in this research is to use the concept approach and statutory approach to reviewing the legislations and legal literatures. Rights protection as a form of justice for each person more specifically regulated in Law about Human Rights. Protection of the rights granted to women by the state including the protection of the political field regulated in some provisions of other legislation. By removing discrimination against women in it’s implementation still look at the culture and customs which is certainly not easy to do and the state is obliged to realize the objectives of the convention


2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 753-777
Author(s):  
Vera Shikhelman

Abstract In recent years, there has been an increasing amount of research about the implementation of international law. However, there has been almost no empirical research about implementing decisions of international human rights institutions. The decisions of those institutions are usually regarded as soft law, and states do not have a clear legal obligation to implement them. In this article, I bring original empirical data about how and when states implement decisions of the United Nations Human Rights Committee (HRC) in individual communications. I hypothesize that the following factors influence the readiness of states to implement the views of the HRC: (i) the level of democracy and human rights protection in the state; (ii) internal capacity; (iii) strength of civil society; (iv) type of remedy; (v) representation on the HRC; (6) subject matter of the communication. I find that the most important factor for implementing remedies granted by the Committee is the high human rights score of the state. The internal capacity of the state is also significant but to a lesser extent than found in previous studies. Also, I find a certain connection between the state being represented on the HRC and its willingness to implement the remedies.


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