scholarly journals Russia’s Role in the Formation of the Conceptual Provisions of the Eurasian security

Author(s):  
K. P. Kurylev ◽  
N. S. Danyuk ◽  
E. V. Semibratov ◽  
M. A. Nikulin

The article analyses the main concepts in the field of security that Russia proposed in the space of “Greater Eurasia” . By “Greater Eurasia” the author’s team means the area of the entire Eurasian continent from Western Europe to Southeast Asia . The most challenging problems to the formation of a unified security system, the authors include the presence within these limits of a large number of diverse macro-regions, as well as features of the political situation at the current historical stage . Therefore, the authors consider the basics of security in Eurasia through the prism of security of two continents of the same continent-Europe and Asia . If we make a comparative analysis between these two regions, we can see that the institutions for regional security in Europe are at a higher institutional level, but the Asian part of the continent is entirely free from various kinds of moral consequences of the “cold war” . These circumstances make this region more promising in terms of the basis for building a unified security system capable of covering the entire continent . This trend is a logical continuation of the fact that the centres of gravity of global politics and the economy in the last two decades began to move towards South-East Asia .

2002 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joséé M. Sáánchez-Ron

This paper studies the tactics developed in Spain to improve the country's scientific capacity over most of the 20th century. Early in the 20th century, Spain sought to raise its low scientific standing by establishing relations with foreign scientists. The tactics changed according to the political situation. The first part of the paper covers the period from 1900 to the Civil War (1936-39); the second examines consequences of the conflict for physical scientists in Spain; and the third analyzes the growth of physical sciences in Franco's Spain following the Civil War, a period in which the United States exerted special influence.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (7) ◽  
pp. 1729
Author(s):  
Daniel BAKOTA ◽  
Robert MACHOWSKI ◽  
Arkadiusz PŁOMIŃSKI ◽  
Aliaksei RAMANCHUK ◽  
Mariusz RZĘTAŁA ◽  
...  

The destination which attracts tourists is the Chernobyl Exclusion Zone established in the area of radioactive contamination within a radius of 10 to 30 km around the plant. The main tourist attraction of the zone is the infrastructure of the inactive nuclear power plant, notably reactor no. 4 covered with a concrete and steel sarcophagus. The abandoned city of Pripyat, called the "ghost town", is also of unique value to tourism. The "Duga" radar station (also dubbed "The Eye of Moscow"), an artefact of the Cold War, also lies within the zone accessible to tourists. These sites, with their mysterious and dark history, are a magnet for an increasing number of tourist groups. In 1995 the zone was visited by 900 tourists. Subsequent years have brought a regular annual growth in the number of visitors to 17,800 in 2013. A decline came in 2014 (8400), which was caused by the political situation in Ukraine (e.g. Euromajdan). The last five years (2015-2019) are characterised by a very large annual increase in the number of tourists, and in some years, an almost a doubling of the humbers compared to the previous year (2015 – 16,400, 2016 – 35,100, 2017 – 46,136, 2018 – 71,869, 2019 – 124,001).


2020 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 8-14
Author(s):  
Lars-Otto Reiersen ◽  
Ramon Guardans ◽  
Leiv K. Sydnes

AbstractAfter World War II, the Cold War generated significant barriers between the East and the West, and this affected all sorts of cooperation, including research and scientific collaboration. However, as the political situation in the Soviet Union started to change in the 1980s under the leadership of Mikael Gorbachev, the environment for international collaboration in many areas gradually improved.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 33-37
Author(s):  
Gabriela-Nicoleta Dragne

The alliance belt between Turkey, Iran, Pakistan and Iraq led to the creation of the political-military bloc nicknamed the Baghdad Pact, which aimed to limit Soviet expansionism to the warm seas and the Gulf and to ensure peace and security in the Middle East region.Another trio of non-Arab states in the East: Turkey, Israel and Iran formed an influential military alliance in the late 1950s under the name of the Phantom Pact or the Peripheral Alliance in order to coordinate the activity of the three secret intelligence services, to coordinate their activities. express their anti-Soviet stance and maintain regional security. Equally, Turkey's involvement in regional affairs played an essential role. Today, the presence of the UN in the area, is facing a new danger of our times: terrorism.


Author(s):  
Simon Creak

Despite being minnows on the world stage, Thailand and the newly independent countries of Southeast Asia embraced sport during the Cold War as a means of nation and region building. This essay examines the political dimensions of the South East Asia Peninsular Games—the precursor of today’s Southeast Asian Games—founded in 1959 by US ally Thailand. This event reflected and reinforced the Cold War culture of Thailand and Southeast Asia. The games embodied motifs of regional friendship and antagonism between the “free” anti-Communist and neutralist nations of peninsular Southeast Asia; domestically, they embodied key themes in the domestic Cold War culture of Thailand, including nationalism, developmentalism, the revival of the monarchy, and militarization. This essay examines the Thai military junta’s objectives in founding the event, the effectiveness of the inaugural South East Asia Peninsular (SEAP) Games, and the cultural and semiotic features that reinforced the games’ major themes.


2007 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
ELIZABETH SCHMIDT

When the Cold War broke out in Western Europe at the end of the Second World War, France was a key battleground. Its Cold War choices played out in the empire as well as in the métropole. After communist party ministers were ousted from the tripartite government in 1947, repression against communists and their associates intensified – both in the Republic and overseas. In French sub-Saharan Africa, the primary victims of this repression were members of the Rassemblement Démocratique Africain (RDA), an interterritorial alliance of political parties with affiliates in most of the 14 territories of French West and Equatorial Africa, and in the United Nations trusts of Togo and Cameroon. When, under duress, RDA parliamentarians severed their ties with the Parti Communiste Français (PCF) in 1950, grassroots activists in Guinea opposed the break. Their voices muted throughout most of the decade, Leftist militants regained preeminence in 1958, when trade unionists, students, the party's women's and youth wings, and other grassroots actors pushed the Guinean RDA to reject a constitution that would have relegated the country to junior partnership in the French Community, and to proclaim Guinea's independence instead. Guinea's vote for independence, and its break with the interterritorial RDA in this regard, were the culmination of a decade-long struggle between grassroots activists on the political Left and the party's territorial and interterritorial leadership for control of the political agenda.


Author(s):  
Mark Thomas-Patterson

This paper aims to examine the attitude that the Chicago Tribune displayed towards the Korean leader Syngman Rhee from 1945-1950. The Tribune played a key role in providing a voice for conservative Republicans during the first half of the 20th century, under the ownership of Robert McCormick. The paper was split over foreign policy, as it supported stopping Communism abroad but also supported non-intervention in global affairs. The political situation on the Korean Peninsula therefore proved to be an especially challenging topic for the Tribune, as it forced it to choose between combating Communism and non-intervention. In order to ascertain the Tribune’s positions on these key issues, I analyzed articles that had been digitized as part of ProQuest’s historical archives. Throughout this relatively short period of time, the Tribune’s opinion of Rhee varied greatly. It initially supported Rhee as a hero against the Truman state department. After the paper established a reporter in Korea, however, the paper’s attitude shifted, and Rhee was portrayed as an ultranationalist zealot. Ultimately, the Tribune developed a stance of confronting communist advances and supporting anti-Communist governments such as Rhee’s that would hold true for the rest of the cold war.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-230
Author(s):  
Florian Wegscheider

Abstract The historical kiss of peace between Polish Prime Minister Tadeusz Mazowiecki and German Chancellor Helmut Kohl in Krzyżowa/Kreisau in 1989 serves as an example for how existential experiences can profoundly impact and even alter liturgy. However, liturgy can also be an obstacle for the further reflection and processing of such experiences, if they are not taken up in the liturgical setting. The political situation of a divided Europe as well as the Cold War following World War II indicate a unique situation in recent history that concernes believers all over the world. The question that results from taking this immediate past seriously is what kind of experiences liturgy can and should address (and in what form) and if there might be experiences or forms of handling such experiences that threaten the power of the ritual.


2000 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-110 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey G. Giauque

Between 1958 and 1963 Charles de Gaulle attempted to replace supranational integration in Europe with a French-dominated confederation able to become a ‘Third Force’ in the Cold War. The United States took a tolerant approach toward de Gaulle's proposals, in the hope of modifying them to suit American goals. It hoped to contain the anti-supranational and anti-American aspects of the plan and channel it to increase the cohesion of Western Europe so that the continent would become a stronger American partner. When European supporters of the Amercian view of the confederation refused to follow de Gaulle's more sweeping ambitions, he abandoned the plan and turned to a unilateral foreign policy instead.


Author(s):  
Phyllis Lassner

Espionage and Exile demonstrates that from the 1930s through the Cold War, British Writers Eric Ambler, Helen MacInnes, Ann Bridge, Pamela Frankau, John le Carré and filmmaker Leslie Howard combined propaganda and popular entertainment to call for resistance to political oppression. Instead of constituting context, the political engagement of these spy fictions bring the historical crises of Fascist and Communist domination to the forefront of twentieth century literary history. They deploy themes of deception and betrayal to warn audiences of the consequences of Nazi Germany's conquests and later, the fusion of Fascist and Communist oppression. Featuring protagonists who are stateless and threatened refugees, abandoned and betrayed secret agents, and politically engaged or entrapped amateurs, all in states of precarious exile, these fictions engage their historical subjects to complicate extant literary meanings of transnational, diaspora and performativity. Unsettling distinctions between villain and victim as well as exile and belonging dramatizes relationships between the ethics of espionage and responses to international crises. With politically charged suspense and narrative experiments, these writers also challenge distinctions between literary, middlebrow, and popular culture.


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