scholarly journals The status of English in the EU institutions after Brexit: A discursive analysis of selected press articles

Author(s):  
Albert Guziak

The aim of this article is to find out what the status of English, currently the primary working language within the EU institutions, might look like once the United Kingdom leaves the EU structures. To that end, this paper will analyse a selection of press articles. Although the manner in which the so-called Brexit will take place is still uncertain, a diverse range of opinions and prognostications on what will happen to English is being expressed publicly, taking into consideration many factors (political, sociological and purely linguistic) which may contribute to a possible scenario or scenarios. This article does not lay claim to submitting any firm or reliable vision of the future as none such exists elsewhere. This paper intends to analyze some discursive strategies employed by the authors of the articles to place the discussed subject into a discursive framework by using tools of critical discourse analysis which mainly focus on the relation of power and language.

Author(s):  
Olha Ovechkina

In connection with the decision to withdraw the UK from the EU a number of companies will need to take into account that from 1 January 2021 EU law will no longer apply to the United Kingdom and will become a "third country" for EU Member States, unless the provisions of bilateral agreements or multilateral trade agreements. This means that the four European freedoms (movement of goods, services, labor and capital) will no longer apply to UK companies to the same extent as they did during the UK's EU membership. The purpose of the article is to study, first of all, the peculiarities of the influence of Great Britain's withdrawal from the European Union on the legal regulation of the status of European legal entities. Brexit results in the inability to register European companies and European economic interest groups in the UK. Such companies already registered before 01.01.2021 have the opportunity to move their place of registration to an EU Member State. These provisions are defined in Regulations 2018 (2018/1298) and Regulations 2018 (2018/1299).British companies with branches in EU Member States will now be subject to the rules applicable to third-country companies, which provide additional information on their activities. In the EU, many countries apply the criterion of actual location, which causes, among other things, the problem of non-recognition of legal entities established in the country where the criterion of incorporation is used (including the United Kingdom), at the same time as the governing bodies of such legal entities the state where the settlement criterion is applied. Therefore, to reduce the likelihood of possible non-recognition of British companies, given the location of the board of such a legal entity in the state where the residency criterion applies, it seems appropriate to consider reincarnation at the actual location of such a company. Reducing the risks of these negative consequences in connection with Brexit on cross-border activities of legal entities is possible by concluding interstate bilateral and multilateral agreements that would contain unified rules on conflict of law regulation of the status of legal entities.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 436-465 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tore Vincents Olsen ◽  
Christian F. Rostbøll

The Lisbon Treaty from 2009 introduced the possibility for individual member states to withdraw from the European Union (EU) on the basis of a unilateral decision. In June 2016 the United Kingdom decided to leave the EU invoking article 50 of the treaty. But is withdrawal democratically legitimate? In fact, the all-affected principle suggests that it is undemocratic for subunits to leave larger political units when it adversely affects other citizens without including them in the decision. However, it is unclear what the currency of this affectedness is and, hence, why withdrawal would be undemocratic. We argue that it is the effect of withdrawal on the status of citizens as free and equal that is decisive and that explains why unilateral withdrawal of subunits from larger units is democratically illegitimate. Moreover, on the ‘all-affected status principle’ that we develop, even multilaterally agreed withdrawal is undemocratic because the latter diminishes the future ability of citizens to make decisions together regarding issues that affect their status as free and equal. On this basis, we conclude that it is undemocratic for a member state such as the United Kingdom to withdraw from the EU.


2012 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 151-164
Author(s):  
Cláudia Álvares

In this paper we apply critical discourse analysis to a selection of articles about exoticism published in the magazines 'Cosmo' and 'Máxima' between March 2008 and March 2009, aiming to understand the discursive strategies used in the construction of a feminine normative identity through naturalisation and reinforcement of stereotypes related to alterity. Starting with a linguistic analysis of the features, characteristics and qualities associated with the exoticism, and which are used in the construction of an image of femininity appealing to consumption, we discuss how the discourse of gender articulated in the magazines is related to the post-feminist paradigm. In particular, we question how the emphasis on the personal welfare as a direct result of individual, rather than a collective responsibility contributes to disseminate a neo-liberal ideology based on individualism and the celebration of freedom of choice, both deeply associated with the capitalist consumption culture.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 184
Author(s):  
Selvarajah Tharmalingam ◽  
Ali M. Al-Wedyan

<p class="1"><span lang="EN-GB">Discursive construction of staff identities at universities’ websites is deliberately created to categorically identify the staff according to their positions. The constructions of these identities are normally implicit in nature. The study attempts to identify the power relations with regard to the ‘WE’ and ‘I’ dichotomy in discourse from a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) perspective. In addition, corpus techniques also aided this study to find the collocates of these two pronouns. Transitivity analysis was conducted to categorise processes associated with each pronoun. So, the processes associated with each pronoun are a way of identifying the role played at the institution level. The focus was on specific personal pronouns ‘We’ and ‘I’ for their use, mainly, as inclusive and exclusive strategies. The data was collected from international universities’ websites. The text was selected from the ‘welcome note/letter’ by Rectors, Vice Rectors, Chancellors, Vice Chancellors, and Presidents. The universities selected for this study are from various geographical areas, namely; Universiti Science Malaysia (USM) in Malaysia, Yarmouk University (YU) in Jordan, and University of Birmingham (UB) in the United Kingdom. The analysis indicates that the use of the pronouns has a social and administrative hierarchical significance. The social actors are represented according to the specified role to play in their respective institutions.</span></p>


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-195 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrián Tarín Sanz

Over the last decades, the strategic profile of the discourse with which wars are narrated has been reinforced. This discourse has also varied in the light of a recent – and alleged – peace culture permeating Western societies. Whereas the war discourse in Russia during the Second Russian-Chechen War has been widely studied, this has not been the case of the rhetoric of the Chechen Islamist guerrillas. The aim of this paper is to contribute to bridging this gap in the academic literature on the North Caucasus, employing to this end a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of a selection of texts posted by the Kavkaz Center (KC) news agency. On the basis of this analysis, it can be concluded that one of the main discursive strategies revolved around the construction of an “us” embodying the Chechen victims of the initial aggression in a conflict provoked by the Russian “other”.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6(161) ◽  
pp. 117-143
Author(s):  
Viktoria Serzhanova ◽  
Adrianna Kimla

Withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Union is undoubtedly an unprecedented event in the history of the EU. This process encounters many difficulties and reveals an increasing number of problems that contemporary Europe is facing and affects European integration. Even more complications in this area arise as a result of the deadlock in the internal dimension, and in the UK’s relations with the EU. It goes without saying, that this process will result in the need to create a completely new order in the UK’s relations with the EU and will have a huge impact on the global order. The whole process is multidimensional, hence the consequences of leaving the EU by the United Kingdom may have many effects for the UK not only in political and economic sense, but also in the field of its constitutional law and political system, including the area of the state’s territorial arrangement. The purpose of this study is to provide a legal analysis of Brexit’s potential consequences for the territorial system and threats to the territorial integrity of the United Kingdom itself, in particular for the status of its constituent parts and further relations between England and Wales, Scotland, Northern Ireland and Ireland. The risk of the split and disintegration of the United Kingdom as a result of Brexit cannot be overlooked.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 9-15
Author(s):  
Serhii Rudko

The article highlights one of the main issues related to the UK's withdrawal from the European Union, Northern Ireland’s new status, in particular, the status of the border between NI and the Republic of Ireland. It has been an ‘apple of discord’ from the first stage and during the last stage of the Brexit negotiations. The future ‘hard’ or ‘soft’ Irish-British border is not a problem in the negotiations between the United Kingdom and the European Union only, but is also a serious domestic political challenge for Theresa May’s government. The article explains possible models of the future status of Northern Ireland. The most probable solutions are: a ‘reverse Greenland’, a ‘reverse Cyprus’ and a ‘German version’. Following the Good Friday Agreement of 1998, the EU invested heavily in supporting border communities for the development of small business and industry, which improved the economic situation in the area of the former conflict and facilitated border dialogue. However, it led to the fact that many enterprises were oriented towards the EU market or border trade. The article concludes that the ‘reverse Greenland’ model would enable Northern Ireland to remain in the single market and customs union apart from the rest of Great Britain, which would prevent the establishment of a tight boundary between both Irelands. The author outlined the possible implications of the ‘reverse Cyprus’ model, which suggests that the United Kingdom would technically remain a part of the EU, and that the EU’s legislation would be suspended only on its separate parts (that is, Wales and England). The researcher emphasizes that the ‘German version’ could be applied in the case of future reunification of both Irelands, then Northern Ireland would remain a part of the EU until its new status on the referendum have been resolved. The article summarized that no examples above provide a precise analogy, since Brexit is unprecedented event. The most likely models of the Northern Ireland’s future are the ‘reverse Greenland’ and the ‘reverse Cyprus’


Author(s):  
Luis-Miguel Pedrero-Esteban ◽  
Ana Pérez-Escoda ◽  
María-José Establés

Social networks have become the transforming axes of communication and, therefore, extensions of journalistic activity. Although they are exposed to the dissemination of fake news and hoaxes that fuel tension and damage the health of democracy, they are also propitious spaces to legitimize the media in their responsibility to disseminate rigorous, truthful, and verified information. This research study analyzes the informative discourse on Twitter of the most relevant press, radio, and television outlets in Spain with respect to the formalization of Brexit, i.e., the definitive exit of the United Kingdom from the European Union. Based on a qualitative methodology, from a sample of 52,188 tweets, the 646 messages about this process, published between December 15, 2020, and January 15, 2021, categorized according to the tags and content distributed on this social network, are analyzed. The work allows the recognition of this discourse, to address its effects in the economic, political, educational, and sports areas. In general, negative language is identified when presenting the repercussions of the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the EU, especially for Spain. Some media outlets show no interest in the international scope of the process and focus only on the national one. However, most of the messages on Brexit have a pro-European slant, albeit generating little social noise (mainly retweets), with the exception of some users concerned about issues related to the status of Gibraltar, racism, or stereotypes of tourists from the UK.


Journalism ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (12) ◽  
pp. 1648-1664
Author(s):  
Paul Solman ◽  
Lesley Henderson

Reports of flooding are becoming more frequent in the UK media, and evidence from the UK Environment Agency indicates that ‘living with flooding’ will become commonplace rather than exceptional. This study is the first to adopt a critical discourse analysis approach to compare UK newspaper reporting of floods in the developed and developing world. We present our analysis of major flood incidents in Northern England and Chennai, India, in 2015. Our findings identify that UK newspapers not only give greater prominence to flooding events that are local but also frame differently those affected. Reports of floods in Northern England reinforced similarities and shared values between victims and assumed readers by drawing upon personal stories, emotions and suffering. By contrast, reports about floods in Chennai portrayed victims as anonymous ‘distant Others’, emphasising the drama of the incident rather than the plight of individuals. We argue that the newspapers’ approach to covering flooding reveals how the Western-dominated global media continue to emphasise difference rather than similarity between people in the developed and developing world, presenting flooding in the United Kingdom as exceptional and flooding in India as normalised. We believe these findings have important implications in the context of globalisation and increasing migration.


Author(s):  
Sionaidh Douglas-Scott

This chapter evaluates how Brexit and the withdrawal negotiations impacted the UK system of devolved governance. The focus is on devolution because the voices of the three devolved nations — Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland — have been too much ignored in Brexit manoeuvres, especially given Scotland and Northern Ireland voted in the Referendum to remain in the EU. The chapter then details the key points of the EU Withdrawal Act 2018 (EUWA) and EU Withdrawal Agreement Act 2020 (WAA), and looks at how Brexit will impact devolution. It also discusses the status of the UK’s existing territorial constitution. Finally, the chapter describes a possible federal future for the UK, and considers scenarios of regional independence.


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