Identity Politics' Issue In Indonesia Presidential Election 2019

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ida Susilowati ◽  
Zahrotunnimah Zahrotunnimah ◽  
Nur Rohim Yunus

AbstractPresidential Election in 2019 has become the most interesting executive election throughout Indonesia's political history. People likely separated, either Jokowi’s or Prabowo’s stronghold. Then it can be assumed, when someone, not a Jokowi’s stronghold he or she certainly within Prabowo’s stronghold. The issue that was brought up in the presidential election campaign, sensitively related to religion, communist ideology, China’s employer, and any other issues. On the other side, politics identity also enlivened the presidential election’s campaign in 2019. Normative Yuridis method used in this research, which was supported by primary and secondary data sourced from either literature and social phenomenon sources as well. The research analysis concluded that political identity has become a part of the political campaign in Indonesia as well as in other countries. The differences came as the inevitability that should not be avoided but should be faced wisely. Finally, it must be distinguished between political identity with the politicization of identity clearly.Keywords. Identity Politics, 2019 Presidential Election

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (12) ◽  
pp. 216-223
Author(s):  
Ashok Thapa ◽  
Sushil Rajbhandari

The female characters created by BP Koirala and Pradip Nepal in Narendra Dai and Swapnil Shahar respectively have been compared and contrasted in this paper. Although Koirala and Nepal represent two poles of the Nepalese political spectrum, with Koirala pursuing democratic socialism doctrine and Nepal following communist ideology, the characters they create in their novels do not completely reflect the political schooling of their creators. The female characters in both the novels share some common traits of characters which most of the women in the Nepalese society, even today, exude, such as compassion, sacrifice, and docility. However, these female characters also display enough courage to rebel against the prevalent patriarchal dominance. The plot of Nepal’s novel is considerably politically colored, and thus the female characters in his novel discuss progressive ideas and even act accordingly. Koirala’s novel on the other hand deals more with socio-psychological issues and these conditions the dispositions of his characters. Nevertheless, his female characters too display rebellious traits and speak back to the patriarchal hegemony both through words and actions. As compared to Nepal, however, Koirala seems to have better succeeded in creating well-rounded female characters that not only abide by the then societal norms and values but also display mutiny against unjust treatment.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 53-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne-Kathrin Weber

Martha Nussbaum’s political theory of compassion offers an extensive and compelling study of the potential of employing compassionate emotions in the political realm to further social justice and societal “love”. In this article, two pitfalls of Nussbaum’s affirming theory of a politics of compassion are highlighted: the problem of a dual-level hierarchisation and the “magic” of feeling compassion that potentially removes the subject of compassion from reality. I will argue that Hannah Arendt’s thoughts on pity provide substantial challenges to a democratic theory of compassion in this respect. Following these theoretical reflections, I will turn to Hillary Clinton’s 2016 US-American presidential election campaign, to her video ads “Love and Kindness” in particular, in order to provide fitting illustrations from current realpolitik for these specific pitfalls of the political employment of compassionate emotions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 263
Author(s):  
Agung Wibiyanto ◽  
Wahyu Tri Hastiningsih

This study is to review the political issues that arise in Central Java and analyze several issues based on framing analysis and the media agenda. The type of this research is descriptive qualitative. The data are analyzed from five journalists, that are Solo Pos, Tribun Jawa Tengah, and Kedaulatan Rakyat in interviews session. The results of this study mention the issues that arise, include the issue of identity politics, the issue of the president profile 2019, the policy issue of three magic cards and single card, the tagline of #2019GantiPresiden, the issue of total war, the issue of moving the Prabowo-Sandi winning headquarters to Java Middle, people power and coup issue. These issues are detailed by framing and also the media setting agenda to be taken into consideration the news material. The contribution in this research is to review the detailed management of issues that have arisen around the 2019 presidential election.


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (01) ◽  
pp. 84
Author(s):  
Elpeni Fitrah

This paper discusses how the political identity becomes a motive of Israel state formation. Identitypolitics is a part of cultural politics which consisted by race, religion, ethnic and culture. TheAuthor identified identity politics as a concept or political movement which focusing into diversity.The main argument of this paper is Israel has succeed utilize its cultural identity narrative to unitethe perception of the Jewish around the world to reproduce as a historical justification as well asthe tools of politics for the sake of the embodiment of national ideals in establishing their ownnation state. Keywords: Identity Politics, Narrative, Perception, Israel


Author(s):  
V. Novikov

The paper considers the course and outcomes of 2019 Presidential election campaign in Abkhazia as well as factors that stipulated its character (postponement of elections because of Aslan Bzhania’s disease, the number of contenders, etc.). The alignment of forces before the campaign is outlined, and the principal contenders are characterized, together with political forces that promoted them. A due attention is paid to the extraordinary polycentrism of Abkhaz politics, in  which not only the authority, opposition and the “third force” but also various electoral competitors of both the authority and the opposition, as well as numerous contenders to the role of the “third force” co-exist. Such disposition led to scattering of the electorate at the presidential election. The course of the electoral campaign is scrutinized with an emphasis put on the analysis of programmatic provisions of the contenders and their political style. The political maneuvers of the authority, opposition and Alexander Ankvab’ team between two rounds of the elections are traced. A special attention is paid to the causes of Raul Khajimba’s victory. The situation after the elections is also considered in the paper, and a prognosis is suggested of possible development.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-124
Author(s):  
Li Bennich-Björkman ◽  
Andriy Kashyn ◽  
Sergiy Kurbatov

In 2010, Viktor Ianukovych, a candidate whose democratic credentials were disputed and whose shady background hardly inspired feelings of admiration or trust, was elected president of Ukraine. By asking the voters themselves on the eve of the election how such an individual could have won their votes, this article shows that when Ukrainians went to vote in 2010, they evaluated the qualities and the policy-issues associated with Ianukovych higher than those ascribed to his opponent, Iuliia Tymoshenko, even if only slightly so. In a Ukraine that since the Orange Revolution in 2004 has come increasingly to embrace democracy, the 2010 presidential elections marked a certain democracy fatigue that in the end came to favour Ianukovych’s “strong hand” image. Regional belonging is a usual factor in Ukrainian voting, and it played a role in the political assessments of the 2010 presidential election. However, issues of identity and language were among the lowest ranked in both eastern and western Ukraine, far behind the heated topics of jobs, unemployment, and welfare services. Later, identity-politics became more accentuated in the aftermath of the Revolution of Dignity in 2014 and the ensuing war between Ukraine and Russia. In 2010, what united many voters regardless of region was a stronger concern for jobs and welfare services than for democratic commitment in the candidates, or for identity politics. Those more personal issues paved the way for Ianukovych to become the president of Ukraine.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 69
Author(s):  
Zainal Arifin

Provinsi Lampung adalah salah satu cerminan wilayah multikultural yang ada di Indonesia. Multikultural yang ada di wilayah Lampung tidak bisa dilepaskan dari terbukanya komunitasnya dalam menerima kehadiran etnis lain di wilayahnya, yang tertuang dalam nilai-nilai budaya piil pesenggiri yang mereka miliki. Akan tetapi, piil pesenggiri pula sering diklaim sebagai penyebab konflik yang sering melibatkan orang Lampung. Ini menunjukkan ada paradoks cara pandang dalam memahami piil pesenggiri sebagai identitas orang Lampung. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualittif dengan teknik pengumpulan data wawancara dan observasi, yang ditujukan untuk membantah klaim bahwa konflik yang sering terjadi di wilayah Lampung, disebabkan karena menguatnya piil pesenggiri. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa piil pesenggiri sebagai identitas, justru mampu menciptakan harmoni dengan etnis lain. Melalui kasus komunitas Lampung di Way Kanan, mekanisme politik pengorganisasian identitas (politik identitas) tersebut, komunitas Lampung justru mampu menguatkan identitas piil pesenggiri-nya, sekaligus mampu menciptakan harmoni di tengah masyarakatrnya. Lampung Province is a reflection of multicultural region in Indonesia. Multiculturalism in the region is related to the openness of the community in accepting the presence of other ethnic groups in the region. The principle of openness is contained in the values of the piil pesenggiri as as a part of their culture. But on the other hand, the piil pesenggiri was also often claimed as a cause of conflict involving frequently Lampungnese. This situation ilustrated the existence of paradoxes of perspective in understanding the piil pesenggiri as Lampung people's identity. The research employs a qualitative approach with interview and observation data collection techniques. The research purposes is to obtain findings to refute the claims of the piil pesenggiri as trigger of frequent conflict in Lampung. The results of the study demonstrates the facts contradicting the claims. The piil pesenggiri as identity actually was even able to create harmony with other ethnic groups. In the case of the Lampungnese community in Way Kanan, through the political mechanism of organizing identity (politics of identitiy), the Lampungnese community was able to strengthen the identity of the piil pesenggiri while at the same time being able to create harmony in the community.


Author(s):  
Joseph Arthur Mann

As the English people strode closer to armed conflict in the 1630s and early 1640s, the political disagreements between Charles I and his Parliament acquired a religious dimension. Not all Royalists were Anglicans, and not all Parliamentarians were Puritans, but it is undeniable that each group developed a unique political identity that included manner of dress and religious belief. As these identities solidified, each group used both their own identity and the opposing group’s identity to their advantage to inspire new supporters to join, strengthen in-group support, and inspire hatred against the opposition. Chapter one tells the story of how sacred and secular music was pressed into service by both sides of the English Civil War to serve a variety of propaganda purposes. Sacred music became a convenient political symbol for the religious differences between Anglicans/Royalists and Parliamentarians/Puritans that was easy to understand and thereby accessible to the largest possible audience of potential supporters. Likewise, secular music helped to ensure that the English populace was immersed in the political struggle even in their moments of leisure, and thereby at once more likely to maintain their fervent devotion to their side and their fervent hatred of the enemy.


1994 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 308-328
Author(s):  
Magdel le Roux

AbstractPresent discussions about the history of Israel pay a great deal of attention to the question of Israel as an ethnic group with a prominent, distinguishable and unique identity. By means of empirical facts, this article aims to show that the Israelite tribes were subjected to many different and divergent influences during the settlement period which contributed towards their identity. Because of limited space this article will concentrate only on the political identity but it does not deny the other important historical dimensions pertaining to the discussion. The political situation is therefore an instrument to illustrate that ethnical identity is not shaped in a vacuum, but is dependent upon events taking place in their vicinity. They form part of an allencompassing process. The conclusion drawn from this discussion is that Israel should not be understood as an identifiable entity, because history does not allow existing identities to stagnate, but strives to affirm and to renew.


PERSPEKTIF ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 385-393
Author(s):  
Ribkha Annisa Octovina ◽  
Leo Agustino ◽  
Dede Sri Kartini

This article aims to describe the political campaign strategy of Joko Widodo and Ma'ruf Amin in the presidential candidate debate in the 2019 presidential election. The problem is focused on the campaign strategy carried out by the PDI-P party to support the political debate agenda against the presidential candidates Joko Widodo and Ma'ruf Amin. In order to approach this problem, Nursal's theoretical reference is used to use the theory of political campaign strategy. The selection of this theory in this study is because it is more suitable to describe the findings of political campaign strategies for the candidate pairs Joko Widodo and Ma'ruf Amin in the 2019 presidential candidate debate that can attract sympathy or gain support as described in the preliminary study. The data were collected through interviews and analyzed qualitatively. This study concludes that in the implementation of the presidential candidate debate in the 2019 presidential election, the political campaign strategy applied by PDI Perjungan to support Joko Widodo and Ma'ruf Amin, one of which is the marketing of political products through the mass media. First, strengthen the material. Second, observing the target and determining the target for the political debate. Third, approach the media throughout the media, including media that are affiliated and unaffiliated.


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