Theoretical foundations of the formation of the socio-political concept of “Nation-building” in Modern Russia

2020 ◽  
pp. 10-19
Author(s):  
Olga V. Tsvetkova ◽  

The aim of the study is to develop the concept of “nation-building” as a socio-political project that is adequate to the national ethno-socio-cultural traditions, aimed at improving national security and strengthening the political stability of the entire Russian multinational society in the face of new chal- lenges. The scientific novelty of the research lies in the conceptual generalization of new problems, challenges and risks of constructing the concept of “nation-build- ing”, which require fundamental theoretical understanding within the framework of domestic ethnopolitical science. The article uses an interdisciplinary methodology in the development of the socio-political concept of “nation-building”. The use of socio-cultural analysis made it possible to adapt the concept of “nation-building” to Russian political traditions and values. Comparative political analysis allowed us to compare domestic and foreign approaches to the formation of nation-building. The sys- tematic method revealed the structural elements of the state policy of nation- building in Russia.The result of the research is the proposed socio-political concept, which depends on the role of the state and the challenges of modernity in the Russian ethno-political process and the formation of a civil nation.

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (525) ◽  
pp. 336-340
Author(s):  
I. V. Yahodenko ◽  
◽  
O. D. Hordei ◽  

The article is aimed at disclosing the economic essence of the concept of «the State-based financial control», defining and analyzing the current status of the State-based financial control in Ukraine. The article analyzes the opinions of scholars on the definition of the conceptual apparatus of the research topic and derives a theoretical understanding of the State-based financial control. The issue of building an effective unified system of the State-based financial control is researched. The analysis of legislation norms on the implementation of the State-based financial control is carried out. The opinions of leading scholars who study the problems of control over the effective use of both the State and the local budgets together with reforms in this area are taken into account. The current status of the State-based financial control in the country is analyzed, a number of problems within the system are outlined. The characteristic shortcomings of functioning of the elements of the State-based control system are outlined (absence of a unified concept for the development of the State-based financial control, deepening of the powers of regulatory authorities, presence of a large number of normative legal acts, their outdatedness and inconsistency), the inadmissibility of duplication of control functions is emphasized. The role of the State-based audit in the formation of the successful State-based financial control in the country is determined. The risks that influence the formation of the State-based financial control are analyzed. It is concluded that the system of the State-based financial control in Ukraine does not have sufficient legal, informational, organizational, communicative, institutional and methodological provision that would meet the modern challenges of the country’s economy. Solving the problems of organization and functioning of the State-based financial control is possible by systematically improving the activities of financial control bodies, increasing the level of audit and continuous improvement of the management system within the organizations of regulatory authorities.


Politics ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 159-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Moran

Gramsci revised classical Marxist accounts of the role of the state in society, culture and ideology, and stressed the autonomy of the political process from the economic base. Sociologists often labelled neoWeberian also focus on social change, the state and the political process. Michael Mann, whilst remaining discrete from Marxism has nevertheless moved away from classical Weberian sociology, engaging deeply with materialism in analysing the state. This article compares the work of Gramsci and Mann regarding the state, to examine whether a genuine synthesis is possible between Gramsci (perhaps the first ‘neo-Marxist’) and Mann, a neoWeberian.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-162
Author(s):  
Hamsa Kahtan Khalaf

Abstract The Iraqi political parties had been affected since 2003 by the political pivotal transformations which happened according to the aftermaths of democratic elections , especially under the disruptions of American’s invasion that led in cooperation with its allies in April 2003 .So the social and political situations became ruling according to the new aspects of practicing the new stage of authority as compromise settlements and quota and ethno - sectarian distribution to be as following as compatible with theory of practicing the authority responsibilities(Power sharing ) as what happened now , besides to that all political democracy scene has greatly been distorted because of the instability penetrated within rebuilding the state and its institutions from the beginning as planned by an active powerful political forces . Many functions that are characterized by competitions among the political parties had changed the concepts of exercising democracy in a real way to be done an effective shape ,because of the political and social actors had different role ,which were being a reflection of another reality within the democracy’s process .So that all the situations had been complicated too much owing to the factors of political instability that influenced negatively on the framework of the state , especially the impacts of economic and social factors as of poverty, stagnation , ignorance and disease and another underdevelopment features which predominated over political and social retrogression levels . In addition to that the absence of an efficient administrative elites , which appeared recently under different conditions and circumstances .So it was became very obviously as we know precisely that democracy’s process in Iraq since 2003 was comprehensively undemocratic in practicing because the political forces have not democratic culture that encourage the dialogue to solve all pending problems , and have not abundant tolerance to accept the differences of others parties yet . The phenomenon of the political instability has divided into different varieties by which scattering among the addresses of suspicion and it definitely has a sectarian discourse dimension in case of dealing among each other . So these addresses and dialogues were being away from the political national conformity correctly , because of there was something like definitely as the exclusion and marginalization discourses in order to narrowing any active political party within the political process try to do pro - active role to settle all pending crises . Furthermore , the reality of political life has been under the continuous crises and conflicts over an authority along time not to gain gradually the outcomes of procurement during application the constitution clauses and valid laws , in order to preserving the political stability and to be done more far from the national unity fragmentation and the weakness of political institutions . Finally , we need too much time to reach into condition of stability , especially after opening anew spaces toward active real participation , and because there was a growing need for educated people who could administer the society and the state institutionally by existing strong government, and ultimately peoples will have ability to form new political governing elites later.


2018 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Pusey

This article, based on an edited transcript of a speech at The Australian Sociological Association (TASA) conference in Melbourne in December 2016, summarises the criticisms of ‘economic rationalism’, cum neoliberalism, that emerged from the ‘economic rationalism debate’ in Australia of the early 1990s to the present. Economic rationalism reversed Australia’s historic nation-building legacy. Free market neoliberal doctrines have captured the central Canberra policy-making apparatus and radically reduced the coordinating role of the state in most areas of public policy. Economic ‘reform’ is seen primarily as a political project led by international and domestic corporate interest groupings and aimed at the transformation of Australia’s institutions. The neoliberal orthodoxy continues to distort the policy process as it has become functionally indispensable for the process of policy making and government, despite its failing intellectual legitimacy.


2008 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Habibul Haque Khondker

AbstractThis paper revisits the concept of state autonomy in the context of globalization. Earlier literature either considered state autonomy from the social forces in broad institutional and cultural terms or from the dominant classes in a restrictive sense. However, in either case the focus remained on domestic/national society, not the global society. The discussion of relative autonomy of the state began among the Marxists in the 1970s and then graduated into the mainstream social sciences in the 1980s and 1990s. In the upshot, the notions of developmental state and the embedded autonomy have significantly added to our knowledge of the role of the state. This paper broadens the idea of embedded autonomy by locating the sources of embeddedness in both local as well global institutions and norms. The paper uses the Singapore case to illustrate some of the possibilities and limitations of the reconfigured role of the state in the face of globalization.


Author(s):  
Andrew Cumbers

Denmark’s successful shift from fossil fuel dependency to being a world leader in renewable energies has rightly gained international plaudits. Rather less is known about the role of the state and the growth of cooperative and often innovative forms of public ownership in facilitating this process. This flies in the face of dominant neoliberal practices of governance and highlights the potential and even essential role that forms of economic democracy can play in developing an alternative pathway towards low carbon transition. The chapter reflects on both the opportunities but also the tensions involved in development such alternatives.


1981 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
R.B.J. Walker

Much recent thinking about international politics and world order reflects a number of challenges, at the levels of both theory and praxis, to the global hegemony of Western modernity. It converges upon a major critique of the universalist aspirations for one united world that have emerged from the utopian or idealist traditions of international political theory. Three elements of this critique are of particular importance: the reassertion of the value of nationalism and the autonomy of the state in the face of a tradition of thought which has usually viewed the state as the major problem to be overcome; an emphasis on the importance of ‘culture’ as a central focus of analysis; and the attempt to canvass non-Western cultural traditions as a necessary part of the search for a ‘just’ world order. This study is concerned to delineate the way in which each of these issues appears if examined in the context of recent critiques of the conventional categories of modern sociopolitical theory. It argues that there is a possibility that the critique of Western hegemonic discourse will become co-opted into the categorial scheme of that discourse. It also suggests that the external challenge to Western hegemonic discourse impinges directly upon a knot of difficulties within this discourse itself. It concludes that it is the convergence of these external and internal critiques which is important, for they both underline the extent to which many attempts to transcend the sterility of the conventional categories of world order thinking are subverted by a dichotomous logic of we/they, subject/object, universal/plural. Recognition of the limits of the current language of world order discourse clarifies the possibilities for transformation.


Africa ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 77 (4) ◽  
pp. 582-605 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iain Walker

AbstractThe widespread failure of the post-colonial state in Africa is often attributed to a lack of social and cultural unity, and hence of national identity, in the territories in question. In Europe the state has historically been conceptualized as coterminous with the nation, an apparently ‘natural’ cultural unit that allowed for subsequent political cohesion and the avoidance of ethnic conflict. In Africa the concept (and the reality) of the nation is often absent and this is sometimes considered to be a stumbling block on the path to political stability. However, the suggestion that a state whose population exhibits the requisite cultural homogeneity would construct and maintain a nation and, subsequently, successful and stable statehood is challenged by evidence from the Comoro Islands. Here, despite apparent socio-cultural unity, there has been little movement towards the development of a nation; indeed, there is evidence that an explicit denial of socio-cultural unity underpins the failure of the state.


1977 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 222-244 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. B. Macpherson

MyQuestion is not whether we need a theoretical understanding of the political process in modern states, but whether we need a theory of the state in the grand manner of the acknowledged ‘great’ theories, ranging in modern times from, say, Bodin and Hobbes to Hegel and the nineteenth century juristic theories of sovereignty, and on to the less ‘great’, but in intention equally grand, theories of Green and Bosanquet and such twentieth century thinkers as Barker and Lindsay and MacIver.


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