World Politics and Western Reason: Universalism, Pluralism, Hegemony

1981 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
R.B.J. Walker

Much recent thinking about international politics and world order reflects a number of challenges, at the levels of both theory and praxis, to the global hegemony of Western modernity. It converges upon a major critique of the universalist aspirations for one united world that have emerged from the utopian or idealist traditions of international political theory. Three elements of this critique are of particular importance: the reassertion of the value of nationalism and the autonomy of the state in the face of a tradition of thought which has usually viewed the state as the major problem to be overcome; an emphasis on the importance of ‘culture’ as a central focus of analysis; and the attempt to canvass non-Western cultural traditions as a necessary part of the search for a ‘just’ world order. This study is concerned to delineate the way in which each of these issues appears if examined in the context of recent critiques of the conventional categories of modern sociopolitical theory. It argues that there is a possibility that the critique of Western hegemonic discourse will become co-opted into the categorial scheme of that discourse. It also suggests that the external challenge to Western hegemonic discourse impinges directly upon a knot of difficulties within this discourse itself. It concludes that it is the convergence of these external and internal critiques which is important, for they both underline the extent to which many attempts to transcend the sterility of the conventional categories of world order thinking are subverted by a dichotomous logic of we/they, subject/object, universal/plural. Recognition of the limits of the current language of world order discourse clarifies the possibilities for transformation.

Author(s):  
Steven Slaughter

In recent decades republican political theory has gone through a significant revival in the form of neo-Roman republicanism, as chiefly articulated by Philip Pettit. Despite this revival, International Political Theory has tended to overlook republican political theory, and the international dimensions of republicanism are still a subject of debate. Yet at the core of republicanism is the idea that the citizen is central to the way that power and liberty can be institutionalized in both domestic and world politics. This chapter contends that republican theory needs to complement the institutional and constitutional account of republican government exemplified by Pettit, with a greater focus on republican citizenship and the variegated civic efforts conducted by citizens and activists to promote liberty in the context of globalization. This broader consideration of citizens acting both through and beyond the state also requires engagement with critical forms of political theory.


2020 ◽  
pp. 10-19
Author(s):  
Olga V. Tsvetkova ◽  

The aim of the study is to develop the concept of “nation-building” as a socio-political project that is adequate to the national ethno-socio-cultural traditions, aimed at improving national security and strengthening the political stability of the entire Russian multinational society in the face of new chal- lenges. The scientific novelty of the research lies in the conceptual generalization of new problems, challenges and risks of constructing the concept of “nation-build- ing”, which require fundamental theoretical understanding within the framework of domestic ethnopolitical science. The article uses an interdisciplinary methodology in the development of the socio-political concept of “nation-building”. The use of socio-cultural analysis made it possible to adapt the concept of “nation-building” to Russian political traditions and values. Comparative political analysis allowed us to compare domestic and foreign approaches to the formation of nation-building. The sys- tematic method revealed the structural elements of the state policy of nation- building in Russia.The result of the research is the proposed socio-political concept, which depends on the role of the state and the challenges of modernity in the Russian ethno-political process and the formation of a civil nation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 132-153
Author(s):  
Evgeny N. Grachikov

Over the past few years, the global political landscape has changed dramatically. Trump’s aggressive foreign policy has broken the precarious balance between the centers of world politics established in the past two decades. The U.S. trade war with China and accusations of creating COVID-19 have added a significant imbalance to the distribution of power in global governance. The current political global space is characterized by a tough struggle between the main centers of power for spheres of influence in macro regions, global power and redistribution of world incomes. In fact, it is a struggle for competition in setting the principles, norms and models of the future world order. Most of the developing countries in Asia, Africa, and Latin America are distancing themselves from the West on many international issues, and advocating the creation of national concepts of world order (in “non-West,” “post-West,” “outside the West” formats), which would take into account the political and cultural traditions of their countries, and the specific experience of their interaction with neighboring states and the world as a whole. Thus, the competition in global governance between the United States and China is for a new global order, including influence on the vast Global South. This article offers an analysis of China’s strategy of global governance and Chinese academic discourse on this issue. The paper also examines China’s instrumentation for formatting its own structure of global governance and forms of strategic rivalry with the United States.


Author(s):  
I. V. SLEDZEVSKIY

Article is devoted to a role of world religions in the modern international relations and world politics. The phenomenon of world religious revival, his connection with globalization processes, formation of the multi-polar, polycivilization world is investigated. A research objective is the analysis of tendencies of a desecularization of the world community, the reasons and possible consequences of this process in global measurement. Article includes Introduction, three analytical sections and the Conclusion. In Introduction the phenomenon of world religious revival and approaches to his studying is presented. It is asked about a desecularization of the world community as a possible subject of the new direction of the international political researches – the international religious studies. The thesis about crisis of secular bases of modern political system of the world is proved in the first section. Revision of bases of a world order and standards of belonging to the world community from positions of the reviving religious fundamentalism, the cultural and political and social and economic bases of this process are considered. In the second section the role in a desecularization of the world community of political Islam (Islamism) is analyzed. It is noted that the greatest danger of politicization of Islam consists in emergence of difficult surmountable civilization break in the world community between the Western world (still confident in universality of the values) and the world of Islam. In the third section the possibilities of prevention of disintegration of the existing system of the international relations and collision of the cultural worlds are considered. The main attention is paid to processes of a global political institutionalization of such dialogue and its justification in the concept of global ethics – purposeful coordination and gradual connection of the basic moral and ethical values concluded in great religious and cultural traditions of the world. In the final section of article the conclusion is drawn that process of an institutionalization of civilization dialogue (civilization communication) it isn’t finished yet and didn’t become irreversible.


Author(s):  
Anna Jurkevics ◽  
Seyla Benhabib

This chapter assesses debates within the field of Critical Theory, broadly conceived, on central themes of international politics, including sovereignty, human rights, and American hegemony. After the Cold War, many critical theorists followed Jürgen Habermas’s shift in focus from domestic politics to the “post-national constellation.” We explore Habermasian critiques of Westphalian sovereignty and the accompanying call for cosmopolitan solutions to crises of human rights and migration. We also consider the critical re-evaluations of sovereignty that arose following 9/11 in response to the American “war on terror.” Finally, we turn to the recent return to sovereignty within Critical Theory. The most convincing new approaches call for a nuanced evaluation of the relationship between sovereignty and cosmopolitanism in order to rethink the institutional configuration of a world order that is already decidedly post-national.


2005 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 371-379 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris Brown

On the face of it, this might seem a somewhat frivolous, not to say over-familiar, title for an essay on the influence of Charles Beitz's Political Theory and International Relations (hereafter, PTIR); Beitz, however, will recognise the implicit comparison between his work and John Rawls's A Theory of Justice, and will accordingly, I hope, forgive the familiarity. But, accepting that this is a title that conveys respect, it might still be argued to be inappropriate on the rather different grounds that it substantially overstates the influence of PTIR. Can it really be the case that this relatively short (under 200 pages) volume with an over-ambitious title ‘changed the subject’ in the way that A Theory of Justice certainly did a few years earlier? Obviously the subject in question – international political theory – is rather more limited than the whole world of at least Anglo-American political theory that was changed by Rawls's work, but such a claim can, I think, be defended.


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