scholarly journals On covert and overt sayers: A pragmatic-cognitive study into Barack Obama’s presidential rhetoric of image construction and (de)legitimisation

Res Rhetorica ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 147-168
Author(s):  
Anna Ewa Wieczorek

This article aims to investigate narrative reports based on the use of reported speech frames from a pragmatic-cognitive perspective. As rhetorical means of image creation and (de)legitimisation, they are frequently employed to represent utterances that constitute integral elements of short narratives incorporated into American presidential speeches. This paper’s main objective is to propose an original taxonomy of sayers, namely speakers of words reported (Halliday 1981, 1985; Vandelanotte 2006) in political discourse and to investigate their potential for self- and other-presentation and (de)legitimisation of one’s stance, actions and decisions. The data used for illustrative purposes comprise extracts from Barack Obama’s speeches delivered during his presidency (2009 and 2016) and have been selected from a bigger corpus of 125 presidential speeches by three American presidents: Barack Obama, Bill Clinton and John F. Kennedy. Findings in this study indicate that specific sayer types have greater potential for effective image formation and contribute to (de)legitimisation of events.

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-240
Author(s):  
Anna Ewa Wieczorek

This article aims to discuss conceptual levels of narrative representations of utterances based on reported speech frames employed in presidential speeches. It adopts some assumptions from Chilton’s Deictic Space Theory and Cap’s Proximisation Theory, both primarily used to indicate exclusive reference, a clash of interests and threat-oriented conceptualisation of events. This article, however, extends their scope to include strategies for inclusion and positive image construction and makes a distinction between primary, secondary and tertiary embedding as discursive means that contribute to presentation of self and legitimisation. Data for this research comprise a corpus of 125 presidential speeches (25 per tenure) divided into three subcorpora: JKC – John Kennedy Corpus, BCC – Bill Clinton Corpus, and BOC – Barrack Obama Corpus. A total of 1251 instances of narrative reports have been analysed to investigate primary and multilevel embedding, which constitute the basis for this study.


2017 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 557-580 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michelle Bentley

AbstractIntervention comprises one of the most contentious issues in International Relations. This controversy results from the way normative understanding is structured around two key, but mutually exclusive, taboos: the moral expectation to respond in cases of humanitarian need and the protection of state sovereignty. In examining this dilemma, this article asks: what happens to the construction of rhetorical strategy, where that strategy seeks to justify intervention (or not), within a binary normative environment? It is argued that actors can only successfully construct a rhetorical case by engaging in, what is termed here, normative invalidation. In a binary situation, actors cannot adhere to both taboos. These taboos are so compelling, however, that actors must necessarily invalidate or neutralise any taboo not adhered to. This is discussed in relation to the Strategic Narratives paradigm and comparative case studies on the presidential rhetoric of Bill Clinton and Barack Obama.


2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (6) ◽  
pp. 727-747 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lina Klymenko

Abstract This paper studies the Belarusian nation as envisioned by the president in his political speeches delivered on the country’s Independence Day. The theoretical framework of the paper rests upon an understanding of the discursive construction of national identity. This analysis of the presidential speeches utilizes principles of the Discourse Historical Approach (DHA). As a special genre of texts, political speeches aim to offer normative guidance and a sense of societal consensus to the public. The paper reveals that in the construction of a national community in Belarus, the presidential speeches ambiguously refer to historical memory, socio-economic development, the political system and the country’s foreign relations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (02) ◽  
pp. 340-357 ◽  
Author(s):  
Byron E. Shafer ◽  
Regina L. Wagner

How much of politics is specific to its actors and how much is the reflection of an established structure is a perennial concern of political analysts, one that becomes especially intense with the candidacy and then the presidency of Donald Trump. In order to have a template for assigning the outcomes of politics to structure rather than idiosyncrasy, we begin with party balance, ideological polarization, substantive content, and a resulting process of policy-making drawn from the immediate postwar period. The analysis then jumps forward with that same template to the modern world, dropping first the Trump candidacy and then the Trump presidency into this framework. What emerges is a modern electoral world with increased prospects for what might be called off-diagonal candidacies and a policy-making process that gathers Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, Barack Obama, and Donald Trump together as the modern presidents.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 84
Author(s):  
Fardha Dewi Shinta

Masalah perubahan iklim dalam kebijakan luar negeri A.S. telah mengalami proses yang panjang. Mulai dari tahun 1980 Amerika Serikat melakukan sekuritisasi selama masa pemerintahan Ronald Reagan, George H. W Bush, Bill Clinton dan Barack Obama. Tetapi pada masa pemerintahan George W. Bush dan Donald Trump, Amerika Serikat menghapuskan masalah perubahan iklim. Penelitian ini menganalisis upaya desecuritisasi isu perubahan iklim yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah Donald Trump dari 2017 hingga 2020. Teknik analisis data dalam penelitian ini berupa pengelompokan dan pengumpulan data terkait dan kemudian diklarifikasi setelah proses pengeditan data. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa upaya desecuritization dilakukan oleh pemerintah Donald Trump, melalui pernyataan untuk menstabilkan masalah perubahan iklim, dan masalah itu digantikan dengan masalah lain yang lebih mengancam seperti masalah ekonomi, imigran, dan teroris.


2012 ◽  
Vol 55 (spe) ◽  
pp. 88-103
Author(s):  
Solange Reis Ferreira ◽  
Kelly Ferreira ◽  
Tullo Vigevani

The article shows how domestic aspects influence the United States national and international climate policy. To accomplish the task, the authors analyzes the discussions when Bill Clinton was ruling the country, a time during which global discussions were forwarded. The paper recalls the debate in the Bush administration and the growing polarization since Barack Obama took office.


Author(s):  
A. Shlikhter

The article focuses on the state regulation and financing of public wealth in the USA. The author analyses historical trends in managing of state social programs within the system “federation – states – local units”. Special attention is given to the concepts and practices of federative relations in the context of US socioeconomic development. The article also evaluates the reforms of state machinery conducted during the terms of Ronald Reagan, Bill Clinton, George Bush (Jr.) and Barack Obama administrations.


Author(s):  
Jasmine Farrier

This chapter explores the consequence of four decades of congressional and judicial restraint that followed the passage of the 1973 War Powers Resolution. The member lawsuits began with four challenges to President Ronald Reagan (on El Salvador, Nicaragua, Grenada, and the Iran–Iraq War), and one each against George H. W. Bush (Persian Gulf War), Bill Clinton (Kosovo), George W. Bush (Iraq), and Barack Obama (Libya). These cases were dismissed for different reasons by the federal courts, citing mootness, ripeness, standing, the political question doctrine, and equitable discretion, usually in some combination, as barriers to adjudication. Upon dismissal, federal courts placed the entire burden to rein in presidential power on supermajorities in Congress, even though prior authorization may not have occurred. This disapproval would ultimately require two-thirds of both chambers to override a presidential veto. In these ways, federal courts normalized the very dynamics the member-plaintiffs were targeting in their suits.


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