Namnamgaldŭng - Partisan Media Framing of Political Polarization in South Korea

2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 331-354
Author(s):  
Hannes B. Mosler ◽  
Hee Kyoung Chang
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne E Wilson ◽  
Victoria Parker ◽  
Matthew Feinberg

Political polarization is on the rise in America. Although social psychologists frequently study the intergroup underpinnings of polarization, they have traditionally had less to say about macro societal processes that contribute to its rise and fall. Recent cross-disciplinary work on the contemporary political and media landscape provides these complementary insights. In this paper, we consider the evidence for and implications of political polarization, distinguishing between ideological, affective, and false polarization. We review three key societal-level factors contributing to these polarization phenomena: the role of political elites, partisan media, and social media dynamics. We argue that institutional polarization processes (elites, media and social media) contribute to people’s misperceptions of division among the electorate, which in turn can contribute to a self-perpetuating cycle fueling animosity (affective polarization) and actual ideological polarization over time.


2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeremy Stoddard ◽  
Jason Chen

This article presents results of a study of the impact of political dynamics on group deliberations of issues presented in the short film The Response. We selected four groups of 18-22 year-old participants based on political views, engagement, and efficacy (liberal, conservative, and two mixed groups), and asked them to view and discuss issues presented in The Response related to the combatant status review tribunals held at Guantanamo Bay. We found the groups with mixed political views had higher quality discussions of the issues and a better understanding of the issues post-discussion – in particular the tension between national security versus individual rights and of the nature of the tribunals. We also found a significant number of conservative group members became more conservative in their views as a result of their discussion. We discuss implications for secondary and post-secondary education as well as for political polarization overall in society.


Author(s):  
Hyung-Gu Lynn

This chapter provides an overview of key questions, issues, and debates in the scholarship on the political history of Korea from 1905 to 1945. Japan placed Korea in protectorate status in 1905 and colonized the country in 1910. After nearly forty years under colonial rule, the dominant narrative in the scholarship in South Korea from 1945 to the mid-1980s focused on Japanese colonial oppression and the Korean struggle against it to achieve national independence. The focus of this chapter is on subsequent approaches that have supplemented, qualified, challenged, and refined interpretations of this era. These include analysis of the causes behind the emergence of modern nationalism in Korea; the internal political polarization between left and right and the internal conflicts within each camp that formed the domestic foundations for the division of the Korean Peninsula after 1945; the bureaucratization that, according to some scholars, served as the template for the developmental state that emerged in South Korea during the 1960s; and the dissolution of absolute monarchy as a viable system of governance in the post-1945 period.


2016 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Imad Bou-Hamad ◽  
Nadine A. Yehya

Partisan media are often accused of reinforcing partisan views and contributing to political polarization. Drawing on the literature on selective exposure and media effects, we survey a representative sample of 784 Lebanese citizens who consume partisan media in a highly polarized context. In the absence of centrist nonpartisan channels in Lebanon, we differentiate between extreme and moderate partisan channels and test the prevalence of partisan selective exposure among the viewers. Results show that partisan viewers exhibit partisan selective exposure when selecting channels to watch the news but not in case of entertainment. Neutral viewers avoided extreme partisan channels and were indifferent to the political leaning of the moderate partisan channels. In this study, we present profiling models that predict the likelihood of viewers to seek/avoid extreme and moderate partisan channels based on their political affiliation, religion, age, socioeconomic status, and gender.


2020 ◽  
pp. 159-184
Author(s):  
Jay Song ◽  
Jun Ohashi

In December 2015, South Korea and Japan reached an agreement on resolving the “comfort women” issue that sparked media interests. This article analyses how the South Korean and Japanese media covered comfort women in 2013–2018. The study collects over 20,000 newspaper articles and analyses distinctive media framings in liberal, conservative and leftist newspapers in South Korea and Japan. During this period, the South Korean media have gone beyond the extant nationalist and feminist narratives and incorporated a class dimension. The authors find that there have been dynamic interplays among nation, gender and class that make the debates more complex and transnational, yet the dominant narratives are still from liberal or leftist nationalists in Korea and conservative statists in Japan.


2017 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-231
Author(s):  
Won Yong Jang ◽  
Edward Frederick

Abstract The relationship between Japan and South Korea has been particularly tumultuous in recent years. One of the major sources of unrest is the unresolved Dokdo (a.k.a. Takeshima) issue. This study examines the framing of the issue by four international news agencies. It explores whether international news agencies from different countries would frame the issue differently. Results suggest that the news agencies frame the issue differently depending on the agencies’ country of origin.


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