scholarly journals Political Consequences of COVID-19 and Media Framing in South Korea

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wonkwang Jo ◽  
Dukjin Chang
1984 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Cumings

Theories of the product cycle, hegemony, and the world system are used to analyze the creation and development of the Northeast Asian political economy in this century. Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan have each developed in a particular relationship with the others; the three taken together form a hierarchical, constantly interacting political-economic unit. During the period of colonial rule Japan was unique in building an imperial economic unit marked by a strong role for the state (whether in Tokyo or Taipei), by a tight, integral Unking of all three nations into a communications and transport network running toward the metropole, and by a strategy of both using the colonies for agricultural surpluses and then locating industries there. After 1945 a diffuse American hegemony replaced Japan's unilateral system, but elements of the prewar model have survived: strong states direct economic development in South Korea and Taiwan (here termed “bureaucratic-authoritarian industrializing regimes”); both countries are receptacles for Japan's declining industries; and both countries develop in tandem, if in competition, with each other. The most recent export-led competition has seen Taiwan succeed where South Korea has (temporarily?) failed, leaving Seoul in an export-led “trap,” burdened with rapidly increasing external debt. Taiwan, furthermore, has industrialized relatively free of social disruption, whereas Korean society resisted its transformation at Japanese hands and remains more rebellious today. There can be one Japan and one Taiwan, but not two or many of either, in the world economy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aram Hur

AbstractDefection from North Korea to South Korea has increased dramatically, but little is known of its political consequences. Do North Korean defectors successfully adopt democratic norms, and if so, what factors aid this process? Through a novel survey of defectors, I find that national identification plays a significant role in motivating their fledgling sense of democratic obligation. Greater feelings of national unity with South Koreans lead to a stronger duty to vote and otherwise contribute to the democratic state. This effect is more powerful than that of conventional contractual factors, on which most state resettlement policies are based, and is surprising given that defectors’ nationalist socialization mostly took place under the authoritarian North. The findings suggest the need to reconsider integration approaches toward North Korean defectors and similarly placed refugees elsewhere.


2010 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 483-505 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aie-Rie Lee

Previous research claims that associational membership produces social capital. Employing the first wave of the Asian Barometer Survey conducted in 2003, this study investigates the development of social capital and its political consequences in South Korea. Rather than study simple association membership, I examine thequalityof civil society (defined as associational commitment and interaction) that individuals pursue through membership. This, I believe, provides a close test of the theoretical impact of social interactions on political participation. The findings indicate that there is a positive association between voluntary activity and two modes of political activity (voting and campaign participation) in different ways and to varying degrees. Associational membership is a significant predictor of voting. In the case of the quality of social capital, associational interaction (talking politics with group members) turns out to be significant in encouraging participation in election campaigns. Overall, my findings on the role of social capital support Putnam's argument that group interactions foster democratic participation.


2020 ◽  
pp. 159-184
Author(s):  
Jay Song ◽  
Jun Ohashi

In December 2015, South Korea and Japan reached an agreement on resolving the “comfort women” issue that sparked media interests. This article analyses how the South Korean and Japanese media covered comfort women in 2013–2018. The study collects over 20,000 newspaper articles and analyses distinctive media framings in liberal, conservative and leftist newspapers in South Korea and Japan. During this period, the South Korean media have gone beyond the extant nationalist and feminist narratives and incorporated a class dimension. The authors find that there have been dynamic interplays among nation, gender and class that make the debates more complex and transnational, yet the dominant narratives are still from liberal or leftist nationalists in Korea and conservative statists in Japan.


2017 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-231
Author(s):  
Won Yong Jang ◽  
Edward Frederick

Abstract The relationship between Japan and South Korea has been particularly tumultuous in recent years. One of the major sources of unrest is the unresolved Dokdo (a.k.a. Takeshima) issue. This study examines the framing of the issue by four international news agencies. It explores whether international news agencies from different countries would frame the issue differently. Results suggest that the news agencies frame the issue differently depending on the agencies’ country of origin.


2020 ◽  
pp. 216747952092576
Author(s):  
Taeyeon Oh ◽  
Seungmo Kim ◽  
Adam Love ◽  
Won Jae Seo

North and South Korea competed with a unified women’s ice hockey team at the 2018 Winter Olympic Games in PyeongChang, South Korea. Although the two nations had fielded unified teams at previous international sporting events, the decision to form a unified women’s ice hockey team in 2018 became a contentious political issue. To investigate the relationship between traditional media and social media when covering a controversial political issue in sport, the researchers in the current study examined newspaper coverage and Twitter commentary focused on the unified Korean women’s ice hockey team. Results indicated that newspapers played an important agenda-setting role; progressive newspapers were active in framing the team positively throughout the Olympic Games period, whereas conservative papers covered the team less frequently and framed it negatively. Discussion about the unified team on Twitter was initially positive but turned primarily negative when controversial statements from politicians and issues of unfairness in team selection arose. Ultimately, the results highlight elements of the symbiotic relationship between traditional media and social media.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 282-294
Author(s):  
Hyun Kyung Lee ◽  
Hyeok Yong Kwon

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore whether and how the individual perceptions on income inequality and the inequality of opportunities affect two different modes of political participation, institutional and non-institutional, in South Korea. Design/methodology/approach The paper analyzes the Korean General Social Survey 2009 and 2014 and estimates logit and OLS models. Findings The authors find that neither the perceived inequality of income distribution nor the perceived inequality of opportunities affects the likelihood of individuals’ vote participation. The authors, however, find that the perceptions of inequality, both in terms of outcomes and opportunities affect citizens’ engagement in non-institutional forms of political participation. Originality/value This study provides a new discussion point about the political consequences of inequality in Korea. This paper distinguishes and analyzes the relative importance of perceived inequality of the outcomes and opportunities in democratic engagements. By considering various types of participation, institutional and non-institutional, this study contributes to deepen our understanding of the factors that drive citizens’ democratic political engagements.


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