scholarly journals MICRO, SMALL, AND MEDIUM ENTERPRISES (MSMEs) EMPOWERMENT THROUGH QUADRUPLE HELIX APPROACH IN BATU CITY

NATAPRAJA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-153
Author(s):  
Lely Indah Mindarti ◽  
Ajie Hanif Muzaqi

The research  purpose is to describe implementing of MSMEs empowerment in Batu using perspective of Quadruple helix model . This research using descriptive qualitative approach. Government of Batu through Department of Micro Enterprise Cooperatives and Trade of Batu implements MSMEs empowerment by relying on 4 main factors of empowerment: financial capital access, human resource, partnership, and market strengthening.  This government also established Integrated Business Service Centre (IBSC) as one of the commitments in empowering MSMEs and also making Batu as MSMEs centre. The result of analysis using the concept of Quadruple helix model  found that MSMEs empowerment in Batu involves collaboration of different sectors: the government of Batu, private/business institutions, academics, and civil society through communities, groups, and non-governmental organizations. Thus, the government of Batu plays dominant roles in the interaction synergies of different sectors and being responsible in equitable economic development. Private institutions play roles as production developer, academics play roles as knowledge and skill development transferor and civil society plays roles as creative economic agents and product users

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 66-72
Author(s):  
Kate Mah

This paper examines the emergence of civil society in China under the authoritarian system in the last thirty years. It seeks to explore the ways in which an initial, traditional notion of civil society has altered in the context of China, as well as the respective challenges faced by both the organizations and the government in carrying out their goals and governance. The rapid rise of market capitalism, globalization and Chinese economic success in the last forty years to present day has made room for the rise of non-governmental organizations as well as social mobilization and engagement from citizens. This paper suggests that China has been able to accept the emergence of civil society, however, despite these developments, the government has been able to sufficiently suppress civil society from carrying out any objectives of transparency, social justice and accountability. It surveys the history of civil society within the authoritarian state, analyzes the specific government-NGO relations between the Chinese Communist Party and civil society organizations, and reflects upon the implications of the current legal and political framework that Chinese civil society must operate under.


2021 ◽  
pp. 001083672110471
Author(s):  
Emma Elfversson ◽  
Desirée Nilsson

Why are some peace processes in communal conflicts more inclusive of civil society actors than others? Inclusion of civil society actors, such as churches and religious leaders, women’s organizations, or youth groups, is seen as important for normative reasons, and studies also suggest that civil society inclusion can improve the prospects for durable peace. Yet, we have a very limited understanding of why we observe inclusion in some communal conflicts but not others. We address this gap by theorizing about various forms of civil society inclusion in local peace processes, and examining to what extent involvement by different types of third-party actors—governments, inter-governmental organizations (IGOs), and non-governmental organizations (NGOs)—may contribute to inclusion. Empirically, we draw on a combination of cross-case and in-depth data covering peace negotiations in communal conflicts in Kenya. The findings show that civil society was less frequently included as facilitators when the government was involved as a third party, while inclusion in the form of direct participation of civil society in negotiations, or via involvement in the implementation phase, was equally common across different types of third-party actors. Our study thus provides important new insights regarding how inclusion plays out in communal conflicts.


WIMAYA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (01) ◽  
pp. 15-21
Author(s):  
Vinesha Anindita

Civil society as the beginning of the notions of INGOs gives a holistic view to analyze the problem and the limit of International non-governmental organizations (INGOs) itself. Critics that arises regarding the limit of INGOs is the lack of independence of INGOs that is questionable about the possibility of the dependence of funds even from individual actor to government fund. It can reduce the roles and the functions of INGOs to act objectively.  Another critic for INGOs is a complex matter for international organizations in general about the lack of accountability. So many questions about how do INGOs can be more accountable or whom INGOs should be accountable. This paper argues that accountability should not just for the donors or the government but also stakeholder/grassroots. But, the limit of INGOs can be answered by Amnesty International which is a contradiction example of international organizations that is not affected by the limit of INGO.


Author(s):  
Roger Alan Ritvo

This study reports the findings from a 2006-2007 research project of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Azerbaijan. There is reason to believe that the changes in Azerbaijan's economy because of oil in the Caspian Sea will spur added growth of NGOs and be a catalyst for an expanded civil society, if only because of the international attention that such development brings.  As an integral part of the development of a civil society, NGOs serve a special mediating role between the government and the population and they can be important forces for change.  They can fill service and program gaps and meet local needs when government is unwilling or unable to do so.  Using principles for the development of civil societies, the NGOs in Azerbaijan are slowly making progress.  Current practices were documented through interviews conducted by the author, literature reviews, correspondence and record review.  There are serious concerns that international businesses must be aware of when doing business in Azerbaijan and forming mutually beneficial partnerships with NGOs.


Author(s):  
Cynthia Simmons

In postwar and post-Communist Bosnia-Herzegovina, civil society has been developing along with a signifi cant recasting of women’s roles in public life. Researchers have equated civil society since the war in Bosnia almost exclusively with non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Certainly this has been the most infl uential sphere of both women’s work and of public activities contributing to a nascent civil society. Researchers have given insuffi cient attention, however, to the contributions of women in the burgeoning free press in Bosnia-Herzegovina, as well as to the increasing social engagement and infl uence of women artists and arts administrators. The contribution of the arts to civil society receives little attention, but women writers, artists, and arts administrators are addressing in their work and projects issues of justice, reconciliation, and human rights. Some who began their creative life in Yugoslavia, and who formerly sought independence from ideology in pure aestheticism, now embrace political engagement. They employ the potentially “free zone” of art to encourage the communication and mutual responsibility between the government and citizenry that underlies a civil society. Just as women have taken on new public roles since the war—as directors in non-governmental organizations and as editors and journalists in the independent press—women artists are addressing specifi c postwar themes, and women arts administrators are promoting publications, creating exhibitions, and organizing events that draw attention to issues that are critical to the success of Bosnia’s fl edgling democracy.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Jiann-Chyuan Wang ◽  
Joe-San Lee ◽  
Yu-Chun Ma

The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) is a free trade agreement with high standards, affecting multiple industries, and imposing tremendous economic impacts. The TPP accounts for 36% of world GDP and its significance and impacts are profound, specifically affecting tariff reduction in the manufacturing sector, market entry in the service sector, and rules of origin requirements, as well as currency valuation, intellectual property rights, and even immigration. This means that Taiwan cannot view the TPP lightly. Taiwan’s economy is export-focused, so not being able to partake in regional economic integration will exert an unfavorable impact on Taiwan’s trade expansion and investment attractiveness. Taiwan’s government should therefore actively seek to engage in the second round of TPP discussions. Although President Trump has announced that the US will be withdrawing from the TPP, Japan is seeking further consolidation so that the remaining TPP member countries can continue to make progress. Taiwan cannot exert much control over international opposition to Taiwan’s membership of the TPP on the part of other countries, so this paper focuses mostly on the challenge of overcoming domestic opposition. A review of the literature reveals that the benefits of joining the TPP outweigh the harm; however, despite continuous efforts to promote the TPP and the reaching of consensus within governmental organizations, there has still been a considerable backlash against the idea of TPP membership from many groups in society. This is because TPP membership would directly disadvantage thousands of domestic-orientated businesses, small and medium enterprises (SMEs), and the younger generation. This means that TPP promotion needs to be more considerate of the interests of all related parties and be undertaken in an ‘eco-system’-like manner, focusing on helping traditional industries, SMEs, the agricultural sector, and young people. In addition, the government should work on strengthening the skills of existing workers, and work to develop a system that keeps capital and skilled labor within the country. Foreign investment should ideally help to stimulate domestic economic growth, create more employment opportunities, and drive wages up. If these benefits can be emphasized, then the promotion of the TPP or other FTAs is likely to encounter less resistance and receive more support from Taiwan’s citizens.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (10) ◽  
pp. 14-20
Author(s):  
Alkum Mysara

It is substantiated that today more and more people understand that the conflict is generally unprofitable and unconstructive for society. The world community has come to understand that reconciling interests, that is, finding a consensus solution, is the best result of interaction between the parties. It is also evident that participants in the course of finding solutions to each other should demonstrate their personal ability to hear the opinions of other participants and try to bring them into their actions and proposals. Under these circumstances, it’s important to be set up for an «effective dialogue» to all parties to such interaction. They should strive to find compromises, to work out common visions on ways to solve problems, and to make a single joint decision that will take into account the interests of all, and in the future - to control its implementation. The conceptual approach to establishing interaction between the state and civil society institutions is analyzed. It is noted that during its introduction there are two main problems. First, there are no clear, accessible and well-developed channels of interaction between non-governmental organizations and the state. Therefore, the government should be obliged under the agreement not only to specify its priorities and goals of cooperation, but also to create clear and accessible channels of interaction. Secondly, if the methods of interaction are not developed enough, to ensure the real representation of the interests of communities will be impossible. Therefore, for example, the Welsh Treaty emphasizes the procedures that the state must take to ensure the possibility of a broad democratic representation of interests by non-governmental organizations. This includes, for example, the requirement to hold consultations with the sector on issues that may affect its interests. It also includes early warning of non-governmental organizations about possible policy changes and new developments, potential problems, as long as they are just emerging, providing sufficient time to conduct consultations, feedback on the outcome of consultations and opportunities for participation in policy implementation and evaluation. To effectively represent the interests of non-governmental organizations, all these issues need to be addressed (included in the treaty).


Women in Non-governmental Organizations (WNGOs) can be define as women’s movement, women’s pressure group or interest group, women’s association and women’s in civil society. It is a non-profit institution that empowered to address women’s issues which the government has not been able to manage. It is a mediator whereby women issues can be brought to the attention of government. Since independence, more than 50 WNGOs have been established in Sarawak and this is an important indication that Sarawak women have realized their important roles and contribution to the society. Through WNGOs, Sarawak women have played an important part in promoting the development of society. Their roles and contribution through civil society have made society realized of the importance of their role in highlighting issues that need to be addressed. Even though the increasing number of WNGOs establishment has proven that they are needed in the development process but the issues of participation still arise. This paper makes an attempted to throw light on the various factors on women motivation and challenges that inhibit Sarawak women to participate in WNGOs in Sarawak.


Author(s):  
Kiwonghi Bizawu ◽  
Magno Federici Gomes

This article aims at addressing the impasse created by the government of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) when it granted to Soco, an English multinational company, the permit to exploit oil and start drilling inside the Virunga National Park in the province of North Kivu, Ituri area, which is protected by UNESCO as a Heritage of Humanity and recognized worldwide as the sanctuary of the mountain gorillas, okapis and several other endangered animals or animal species. The article is inspired in the international mobilization promoted by Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) such as the Human Rights Watch (HRW), Global Witness, World Wide Fund For Nature (WWF) and by other national and international human and animal rights movements, as well as by Ituri’s civil society. What is the future of Virunga Park in face of the economic development from oil exploitation to benefit poor riparian populations praised by the Central Government and the sustainable development based on the preservation and conservation of the Park recommended by the non-governmental organizations and the movements listed above? Considering the arguments of the Government in favor of economic development to fight the poverty and misery of the riparian populations, in one hand, and the UN’s opposite positioning through UNESCO, NGOs and the civil society, on the other hand, the dialectic method is going to be used by means of a descriptive research founded on a bibliographic survey.


Author(s):  
Maja Mladenovic

The purpose of the article is to analyze the most active western and pro-Russian non-governmental organizations working in Serbia. In the Mass Media and non-governmental sphere, the influence of Russia is rudimentary, and is often hampered by the supporters of the Euro-Atlantic ideas. The maintenance and development of a positive image in the face of information war led by Western countries against Russia, requires constant attention of Russia’s foreign policy agencies in their work with Serbian government and social structures. The active work of the government and civil society is needed for mutual promotion of cultural achievements in Russian and Serbian cultural space. The research methodology is based on the comparative approach. The author arrives at the conclusion that Western NGOs have huge financial capacities to influence the society of Serbia. They create, promote and develop their own NGOs through local contractors, whilst pro-Russian NGOs are authentic projects of pro-Russian Serbs which typically lack money and wide public action and whose projects don’t get wide information or financial support. The scientific novelty of the research consists in the fact that it is one of the first attempts to comprehensively analyze and assess the work of non-governmental organizations in modern Serbia.  


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