TV Series in Turkish Foreign Policy: Aspects of Hegemony and Resistance

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Constantinos Constantinou ◽  
Zenonas Tziarras

This article examines the ways in which (pop or) popular culture may fall within the context of foreign policy. More specifically, it situates our analysis against such backdrop by delving into how Turkey effectively exports pop culture, propaganda and positive images of itself via the use of television (TV) shows. To that end, notable Turkish soap operas market its ancient glorious past. Admittedly, these telenovelas form a salient cultural product export for Turkey as they reach diverse and far-away audiences – from Latin America to Russia, Central Asia, North Africa, the Middle East, and the Balkans, to merely name a few. Paradoxically, the frenzy has even reached places like Greece. Not to mention, Serbia or Israel, with the latter’s phenomenal success accompanied also with some backlash. Therefore, the current study seeks to better understand the magnitude alongside the impact of Turkey’s achievement given how it comprises a multi-million-dollar industry, by partially unearthing what makes Turkish TV series so powerful the world over. Further, this research firstly presents an analysis of the hegemonic efforts before presenting the limitations to its success by thoroughly covering the empirical data while, theoretically framing it.  

2009 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
pp. 7-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. Fuat Keyman

AbstractIn recent years. Turkey has initiated a proactive, multi-dimensional and constructive foreign policy in many areas, ranging from contributing to peace and stability in the Middle East, to playing an active role in countering terrorism and extremism, from becoming a new “energy hub” to acting as one of the architects of “the inter-civilization dialogue initiative” aiming at producing a vision of the world, based on dialogue, tolerance and living together. Thus, there has been an upsurge of interest in, and a global attraction to, Turkey and its contemporary history. Moreover, the global attraction to Turkey has stemmed not only from the geopolitical identity of Turkey, as a strong state with the capacity to function as a “geopolitical security hinge” in the intersection of the Middle East, the Balkans and the Caucasian regions, but also from its cultural identity as a modern national formation with parliamentary democratic governance, secular constitutional structure and mainly Muslim population. Furthermore, as the world has become more globalized, more interdependent and more risky, this new foreign policy identity entailed the employment of not only geopolitics but also identity and economy. Thus, geopolitics, modernity and democracy have become the constitutive dimensions of Turkish foreign policy today This paper explores the ways in which the increasing role and visibility of “soft power” in Turkish foreign policy operates, and suggests that to be sustainable, Turkish foreign policy, relying on soft power, should go hand in hand with the process of the consolidation of Turkish democracy, and also accept and put into practice Turkey-EU relations as the main axis of proactiveness and constructiveness.


Author(s):  
Jules-Antoine Vaucel ◽  
Sébastien Larréché ◽  
Camille Paradis ◽  
Magali Labadie ◽  
Arnaud Courtois ◽  
...  

Abstract In the world, the impact of environmental conditions on the number of scorpion events was evaluated in North Africa,Middle East, and the Amazonian region but not in Europe. In mainland France, scorpion species described are Buthus occitanus (Amoreux, 1789), Belisarius xambeui (Simon, 1879) and 4 Euscorpiidae: Euscorpius concinnus (Koch, 1837), Euscorpius italicus (Herbst, 1800), Euscorpius tergestinus (Koch, 1837), and Tetratrichobothrius flavicaudis (De Geer, 1778). We aimed to describe the impact of environmental conduction on the number of scorpion events. For this, a retrospective multi-center study was conducted with data from the French poison control centers files about scorpion events between 1 January 2011 and 31 December 2020. During the study period, 975 incoming calls for scorpion events were recorded and 574 were related to scorpions native to mainland France and Corsica: B. occitanus (n = 86), Euscorpiidae species (n = 222), B. xambeui (n = 1), and undetermined species (n = 265). Cases were mostly reported along the Mediterranean coast, along rivers, and in cities with a trading port. The number of scorpion events was linked to the rivers' water level, rivers' flow, temperature, sunshine, and pluviometry (P < 0.05 for all variables). B. occitanus need warmest and driest environment than Euscorpiidae spp. A link between the severity of the envenoming and climatic condition or seasonality was not demonstrated.


1983 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 281-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
T.A. Keenleyside

Prior to 1947, India, despite its dependence upon Great Britain, was represented in most of the bonafide international conferences and organizations that evolved especially during the inter-war years. For example, India participated in the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, the Washington Conference on Naval Armaments of 1921, the London Naval Conference of 1930, the Disarmament Conference of 1932 and the annual inter-war conferences of the International Labour Organization. In addition, India was represented in two important international organizations of the inter-war period—the British Commonwealth, in whose deliberations it was included from 1917 onwards and the League of Nations, of which it was a founding member. For a variety of reasons; Indians involved in the independence movement disassociated themselves from and were critical of official Indian diplomacy conducted through the major international conferences and institutions of the world community and tended to attach greater importance to those non-governmental organizations in which the voice of nationalist India could be fully heard—that is to the deliberations of such bodies as the League Against Imperialism, 1927–1930, the Anti-War Congress of 1932, the World Peace Congress of 1936 and the International Peace Campaign Conference of 1938. Nevertheless, despite the nationalist antipathy for official Indian diplomacy, an examination of such governmental institutions as the League of Nations from the perspective of nationalist India is still important in order to understand some aspects of independent India's foreign policy and more specifically its approach to international organization. Further, even though Indian delegations to the League were unrepresentative, there were subtle ways in which they reflected national Indian opinions and exhibited specifically Indian traits, so that a study of the official Indian role is useful in drawing attention to what were to prove to be some of the earliest and most persisting elements of independent Indian diplomacy via such bodies as the United Nations. It is thus the purpose of this article first to explore nationalist Indian attitudes towards the League (especially the reasons for opposition to the organization), second to analyze the extent to which the official Indian role in the League reflected nationalist Indian concerns, and third to comment upon the impact of the League of Nations on independent India's foreign policy, especially its role in the United Nations.


2015 ◽  
Vol 59 (11) ◽  
pp. 31-37
Author(s):  
N. Arbatova

The Euro-Atlantic relations after the end of the Cold war have been strongly influenced by the impact of three interrelated crises: the existential crisis of NATO, the world economic and financial crisis, and the crisis in the Russia-West relations. The end of bipolarity has changed the threat environment and revealed how different alliance members formulate their threat perception and foreign policy interests. Europe stopped to be the US foreign policy priority. The US pivot to Asia has raised European concerns about American commitments to collective defense. The removal of the threat of a global conflict resulted in the EU initiatives aimed at promoting integration in the field of common security and defense policy (CSDP). Even though the US has officially welcomed a stronger European pillar in NATO, it has become concerned about new approaches that could divide transatlantic partnership and take resources away from military cooperation. At the same time the unilateralist preferences of the Bush administration generated deep political divisions between the United States and the European Union. The world economic and financial crisis contributed to a dangerous gulf between American and European defense spending. The US has complained about the tendency of the alliance’s European members to skimp on defense spending and take advantage of America’s security shield to free ride. In the absence of a clear external threat NATO tried to draft new missions, which were found in NATO’s expansion to the post-Communist space and Alliance’s out of area operations. But these new missions could not answer the main question about NATO’s post-bipolar identity. Moreover, the Kosovo operation of NATO in 1999 fueled Russia’s concerns about NATO’s intentions in the post-Soviet space. The creeping crisis in the Russia-West relations resulted in the Caucasus and Ukrainian conflicts that provided kind of glue to transatlantic relations but did not return them to the old pattern. There can be several representing possible futures lying ahead. But under any scenario EU will be faced with a necessity to shoulder more of the burden of their own security.


2021 ◽  
pp. 84-97
Author(s):  
Tatyana Leonidovna Musatova

The article analyzes the impact of the COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic crisis on the foreign policy and diplomacy of states, including economic diplomacy. ED is interpreted as a multi-sided multi-faceted activity, an integral part of foreign policy aimed at protecting the national interests and economic security of the country. Given the interdepartmental nature of the ED, the presence of numerous actors and agents, not only state, but also public and business structures, political and foreign economic coordination on the part of the Foreign Ministries is of great importance, and this role of foreign policy departments is increasing during the pandemic crisis. The activity of the ED of Russia in 2020 was generally successful, among the main results: active participation of diplomats in the anti-epidemic work of the Government of the Russian Federation, including export flights, provision of emergency assistance by compatriots abroad, assistance to foreign countries; measures to promote the Russian vaccine in the world, establish its production abroad, and thus win new world markets for medicines; settlement of the pricing crisis on the world oil market with the leading role of Russia and Saudi Arabia; adjustment of double taxation agreements with a number of foreign countries, taking into account the domestic economic needs of the country; the growing experience of BRICS, this interstate association, which did not know the crisis, including its fight against epidemiological diseases, during the period of Russia’s presidency in the BRICS; further steps to deepen integration within the EAEU; Russia’s success in the eastern direction of foreign policy, in the development of trade exchanges and epidemiological cooperation with the ASEAN and APEC states. The new world crisis has become a catalyst for the convergence of ED methods with scientific and public diplomacy, with other diplomatic cultures that can be combined under the general name of civil diplomacy. Such a separation is required to protect the legacy of professional diplomacy, the popularity and use of which methods is growing significantly. ED, as an integral part of official diplomacy, is presented as a mediator between classical and civil diplomacy. It provides civil society with an example of the more rigorous, pragmatic, resultsoriented work that the current pandemic crisis requires.


Hawwa ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-19
Author(s):  
Nada Mustafa Ali

The death of Sudanese Islamist ideologue Hassan Al-Turabi (1932–2016) warrants an examination of Al-Turabi’s and Islamism’s legacy in Sudan and in the broader Middle East and Africa regions. This article outlines the reasons for the rise of Islamism and extremism in these regions, and argues that this rise is rooted, among other factors, in local and global processes that exacerbated inequalities within and between countries in the two regions; and between these regions and other parts of the world. The article further examines the gendered politics of the National Islamic Front (nif)/National Congress Party (ncp) within a wider discussion of the rise of politicised Islam in the Middle East and North Africa. I highlight Islamist discourses and practices and the impact on women in Sudan.


1993 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 571-573
Author(s):  
Yushau Sadiq

The general theme, "Islam and Muslim Issues around the World ," wasdiscussed in six two-hour sessions. After the welcome address b y MichaelBishku, the conference coordinator, the first session began withdiscussion on "Nationalism in the Balkans." Pet ya Nitzova presented apaper on theMuslims of Bulgaria. Nedzib Sacirbey outlined the historical causes ofthe problems of Bosnian Muslims and said that what is now happeningin Bosnia is a preplanned anti-Muslim policy dating back to 1917. EdwardDamich (George Mason University, Fairfax, VA), who focused on theCroats, disagreed. Both papers generated a heated debate."Islam in the Arab World" was the topic of the second session. DavidCommins (Dickinson College, Carlisle, PA) talked about the Muslim Bmthersand Egyptian popular culture. He gave a historical account of howthis movement was founded by Hasan al Banna and how it incorporatedand adapted elements of Egyptian culture, especially the Sufi culture, intoits program. Ibrahim Abu Rabi' (Hartford Seminary, West Hartford, cr)enlightened the audience with his presentation "Reading the IntellectualHistory of the Modem Arab World: The Islamic Factor." He explainedhow Islamic ideologies influenced the thoughts of some of Arab intellectuals,especially Sayyid Qutub ...


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Zion Elani

Quantum computing, a fancy word resting on equally fancy fundamentals in quantum mechanics, has become a media hype, a mainstream topic in popular culture and an eye candy for high-tech company researchers and investors alike. Quantum computing has the power to provide faster, more efficient, secure and accurate computing solutions for emerging future innovations. Governments the world over, in collaboration with high-tech companies, pour in billions of dollars for the advancement of computing solutions quantum-based and for the development of fully functioning quantum computers that may one day aid in or even replace classical computers. Despite much hype and publicity, most people do not understand what quantum computing is, nor do they comprehend the significance of the developments required in this field, and the impact it may have on the future. Through these lecture notes, we embark on a pedagogic journey of understanding quantum computing, gradually revealing the concepts that form its basis, later diving in a vast pool of future possibilities that lie ahead, concluding with understanding and acknowledging some major hindrance and speed breaking bumpers in their path.


Author(s):  
Oleg Nikolaevich Glazunov ◽  
Yulia Alexandrovna Davydova

This paper examines the features of Turkish foreign policy in the countries of the Middle East and North Africa. The attempt to analyze the influence of Anka-ra on global and regional processes has been made. The author examines the phenomenon of “neo-Ottomanism” in the context of regional policy of Turkey. The special attention is paid to the manifes-tations of this phenomenon in the post-Soviet re-gion and the Middle East, as well as “soft power” in Turkish diplomacy. Nowadays Turkey is positioning itself as a global player, which is involved in the main geopolitical processes and is trying to extend its influence to neighboring regions. It is concluded that the combination of military and political poten-tial with “soft” instruments gives Ankara the oppor-tunity to declare itself as an authoritative regional and global leader. The authors predict possible di-rections of Turkish foreign policy in the near future.


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