The Political-Economic Discourse Practice In The Media Industry Through Developing Headline About The 2014 Republic Of Indonesia Presidential Election Campaign On The Indonesian Media Newspaper

Author(s):  
Ghazaly Ama La Nora
Author(s):  
P. Y. Feldman ◽  
N. S. Danyuk ◽  
Y. S. Senokop

This article provides an applied analysis of the social network technologies used by Western IT-companies to exert a direct or indirect influence on political processes. The study focuses on a set of tools that were employed to shape the media landscape during the 2020 presidential election campaign in the United States. Overall, the empirical observations suggest that the largest networking services (such as Facebook, Twitter, Google, YouTube, etc.) more or less contributed to the success of the Democratic candidate.Having studied the relevant U.S. experience, the authors identify a set of manipulative techniques used by social network administrators to form specific electoral attitudes among users. These include blocking accounts; setting up search algorithms to produce pre-programmed results; labeling ideologically objectionable materials as “fake”, “untrustworthy”, “manipulative” and “potentially dangerous”; automatically recommending certain materials for viewing; and removing or pessimizing unwanted content.Seeking to expand their own audience, social networks flood the media space with so-called “partisan” content, which is vigorously welcomed by one part of society and just as vigorously rejected by another. This leads to polarization and radicalization of the masses. The most destructive consequences of this process can be witnessed in the United States, where Democrat and Republican supporters become not just political opponents but real antagonists.Social media, search engines and news aggregators, developing their capacity as political actors, pave the way to a qualitative change in the established electoral practices. The greatest concern is the ability of IT-companies to manipulate the political consciousness and behavior of citizens during crucial election campaigns. Considering this circumstance, the authors raise a question about the need to regulate the political and communication processes unfolding on the Internet platforms.


Author(s):  
A. V. Bogapova ◽  

During election campaigns populist slogans and promises are often used in the speeches of candidates. There are some differences although between the discourses of the progovernment and the opposition candidates. It is therefore important to study the political discourse of the 2018 presidential election campaign. Since the political struggle develops in real life and is broadcast in details in the media space, the publications of the candidates on the social network VKontakte have been chosen in order to analyze their discourses. Topic modeling of the text published overtly was used to create a thematic profile of each candidate. Comparing topic profiles the author was able, firstly, to identify and compare the topics of the prostate and opposition candidates’ populist discourses, and, secondly, to identify the most similar agendas of the candidates in the information environment using the vector space model. Thereby, the thematic profiles of the candidates identified corresponded to their ideological positioning. The opposition candidates including the systemic opposition appealed to the problems of negative mobilization in their speeches, which is based on populist slogans. The discourses of candidates who pursue a certain ideology and status have been found to be similar.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 53-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne-Kathrin Weber

Martha Nussbaum’s political theory of compassion offers an extensive and compelling study of the potential of employing compassionate emotions in the political realm to further social justice and societal “love”. In this article, two pitfalls of Nussbaum’s affirming theory of a politics of compassion are highlighted: the problem of a dual-level hierarchisation and the “magic” of feeling compassion that potentially removes the subject of compassion from reality. I will argue that Hannah Arendt’s thoughts on pity provide substantial challenges to a democratic theory of compassion in this respect. Following these theoretical reflections, I will turn to Hillary Clinton’s 2016 US-American presidential election campaign, to her video ads “Love and Kindness” in particular, in order to provide fitting illustrations from current realpolitik for these specific pitfalls of the political employment of compassionate emotions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 598-606
Author(s):  
Victor V. Chebanenko

This article analyzes the media market of Ukraine during the period from 2018 to 2020. The study includes social and political phenomena that had an effect on media consumption in Ukraine. Firstly, at the end of 2018, the presidential election campaign contributed to the mass digitalization of the country. Then at the begging of 2020, news consumption was highly increased due to the situation with coronavirus pandemic. The article provides statistics on the Ukrainization of media content.


Author(s):  
V. Novikov

The paper considers the course and outcomes of 2019 Presidential election campaign in Abkhazia as well as factors that stipulated its character (postponement of elections because of Aslan Bzhania’s disease, the number of contenders, etc.). The alignment of forces before the campaign is outlined, and the principal contenders are characterized, together with political forces that promoted them. A due attention is paid to the extraordinary polycentrism of Abkhaz politics, in  which not only the authority, opposition and the “third force” but also various electoral competitors of both the authority and the opposition, as well as numerous contenders to the role of the “third force” co-exist. Such disposition led to scattering of the electorate at the presidential election. The course of the electoral campaign is scrutinized with an emphasis put on the analysis of programmatic provisions of the contenders and their political style. The political maneuvers of the authority, opposition and Alexander Ankvab’ team between two rounds of the elections are traced. A special attention is paid to the causes of Raul Khajimba’s victory. The situation after the elections is also considered in the paper, and a prognosis is suggested of possible development.


2021 ◽  
pp. 194016122110471
Author(s):  
Dasniel Olivera Pérez ◽  
Mariana De Maio

This paper analyzes the relationship between media and politics in Cuba during the presidency of Raúl Castro (2006–2018). It contributes to the theoretical discussion about the approaches concerning change and continuity in media systems with empirical evidence from interviews with communication and political science experts, and an analysis of non-standardized content in academic, political, legal, and professional documents. The (re)structuring of the media system is explained by the most important political, economic, technological, and cultural events of the period studied: the survival of the Soviet media model, the impact of the U.S. conflict with Cuba on domestic politics, and a (de)territorialized notion of system boundaries. The patterns of change and continuity are discussed through the relationships among the State’s participation in media and the fulfillment of media’s democratic functions, the media policy projection and journalism cultures, and the political articulation of the media and development of the media industry. The articulations among these patterns highlight the relevance of a multidimensional approach as an interpretive dimension of media systems.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 121-129
Author(s):  
Anastasiya Ilyina

There are various instruments for Russia to have influence on its neighbours, such as using opinion leaders (authorities), intellectuals, and journalists to create a favourable informational context or to place the ordered materials in the media so as to have an impact on public opinion. These are the types of information attacks that can lead to the loss of statehood or the substantial limitation of sovereignty. This hybrid aggression strives to precisely this result. The main questions are: how the Russian information space, mud-slinging and troll farms functioned in Belarus during the presidential election? How the fake news which is produced in Russia impacts societies? Which political scenarios appeared in Belarus following Russia’s informational influence? It is a fact that today the Russian authorities use tools of fake news and propaganda; combined with the extra possibilities of social media. The appearance of fake news is connected with national safety because they jeopardize democratic institutions, lead to the radicalization of society, and change the balance of authority. In the research, the methodologies were used from the sociology of communication, political science and content analysis.


Koneksi ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 358
Author(s):  
Laylia Farida ◽  
Muhammad Gafar Yoedtadi

2019 is one of the years which is considered quite a sense for the people of Indonesia, this year the presidential and vice presidential elections reunite Joko Widodo and Prabowo Subianto as presidential candidates. During the 2019 presidential election campaign, the issue of identity politics strengthened in the community. Political actors often use an identity to attract the attention and support of potential voters. The media which are supposed to be independent are actually trapped in the issue of identity politics. Reporting on online media is often influenced by the ideology and interests of media that are reflected in the framing of the news carried out by that media. This Study aims to describe the framing carried out by medcom.id in reporting the 2019 presidential election campaign. This study uses a qualitative approach with framing analysis from Robert N. Entman. The results of this study indicate that medcom.id is proven to be framing using identity politics in reporting the 2019 presidential election campaign. Identity politics framing conducted by medcom.id is news containing SARA (Ethnicity, Religion, Ancestry, and Group of People)Tahun 2019 merupakan salah satu tahun politik yang dinilai cukup panas bagi masyarakat Indonesia, pada tahun ini pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden kembali mempertemukan Joko Widodo dan Prabowo Subianto sebagai calon presiden. Pada kampanye Pilpres 2019 kemarin, isu politik identitas menguat di masyarakat. Para aktor politik sering kali menggunakan sebuah identitas untuk menarik perhatian serta dukungan calon pemilihnya di masyarakat. Media yang seharusnya independen justru terjebak dalam isu politik identitas tersebut. Pemberitaan pada media online seringkali dipengaruhi oleh ideologi dan kepentingan pemilik media yang tergambar pada pembingkaian berita yang dilakukan oleh media tersebut. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menggambarkan pembingkaian yang dilakukan oleh portal berita media online medcom.id dalam memberitakan kampanye pemilihan presiden 2019. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan analisis framing Robert N. Entman. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa medcom.id terbukti melakukan pembingkaian dengan menggunakan politik identitas dalam pemberitaan kampanye Pilpres 2019. Pembingkaian politik identitas yang dilakukan oleh medcom.id adalah pemberitaan yang mengandung SARA (suku, agama, ras dan antar golongan).


Author(s):  
Y. Tsarik

The 2020 political crisis in Belarus erupted against the backdrop of major confrontation in the Belarus–Russia relations. The article looks into the role of Russia and domestic Belarusian factors in creating prerequisites for this political crisis. Since the 1990s, good relationship with Russia have been the source of not only the “integration rent” for Minsk, keeping the specific Belarusian economic model working, but also of the political support from Moscow provided both directly (for instance, through positive coverage of the Belarusian agenda by those Russian federal media that were popular in Belarus) and in indirect forms, such as through maintaining overall positive image of the bilateral relationship. Russia’s role was important for maintaining the loyalty of each major social group at the core of Lukashenko’s support base. Deterioration of the Belarus–Russia relations in 2004–2006, 2008–2010, and 2018–2020 expectedly led to political and economic crises in Belarus. As, by the start of presidential election campaign in Belarus in 2020, Moscow withdrew its main types of support to Lukashenko’s regime, a political crisis was expectable. However, the exact form and scenario of the crisis was shaped by domestic factors, as well as by the country’s leadership’s response to Russia’s pressure. Those domestic factors included accumulated mistakes, disbalances, and dysfunctions in the actions taken by the Belarusian authorities since the late 2016 through 2020. Errors such as the mismanagement of the COVID-19 pandemic were among the immediate triggers of the 2020 crisis. The 2020 developments thus demonstrated a major breakdown of previously effective Belarusian preventive authoritarianism. The internal drivers and dynamics of this breakdown require a more profound study.


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