scholarly journals Abkhazia – 2019: from Khajimba to Khajimba

Author(s):  
V. Novikov

The paper considers the course and outcomes of 2019 Presidential election campaign in Abkhazia as well as factors that stipulated its character (postponement of elections because of Aslan Bzhania’s disease, the number of contenders, etc.). The alignment of forces before the campaign is outlined, and the principal contenders are characterized, together with political forces that promoted them. A due attention is paid to the extraordinary polycentrism of Abkhaz politics, in  which not only the authority, opposition and the “third force” but also various electoral competitors of both the authority and the opposition, as well as numerous contenders to the role of the “third force” co-exist. Such disposition led to scattering of the electorate at the presidential election. The course of the electoral campaign is scrutinized with an emphasis put on the analysis of programmatic provisions of the contenders and their political style. The political maneuvers of the authority, opposition and Alexander Ankvab’ team between two rounds of the elections are traced. A special attention is paid to the causes of Raul Khajimba’s victory. The situation after the elections is also considered in the paper, and a prognosis is suggested of possible development.

Author(s):  
Y. Tsarik

The 2020 political crisis in Belarus erupted against the backdrop of major confrontation in the Belarus–Russia relations. The article looks into the role of Russia and domestic Belarusian factors in creating prerequisites for this political crisis. Since the 1990s, good relationship with Russia have been the source of not only the “integration rent” for Minsk, keeping the specific Belarusian economic model working, but also of the political support from Moscow provided both directly (for instance, through positive coverage of the Belarusian agenda by those Russian federal media that were popular in Belarus) and in indirect forms, such as through maintaining overall positive image of the bilateral relationship. Russia’s role was important for maintaining the loyalty of each major social group at the core of Lukashenko’s support base. Deterioration of the Belarus–Russia relations in 2004–2006, 2008–2010, and 2018–2020 expectedly led to political and economic crises in Belarus. As, by the start of presidential election campaign in Belarus in 2020, Moscow withdrew its main types of support to Lukashenko’s regime, a political crisis was expectable. However, the exact form and scenario of the crisis was shaped by domestic factors, as well as by the country’s leadership’s response to Russia’s pressure. Those domestic factors included accumulated mistakes, disbalances, and dysfunctions in the actions taken by the Belarusian authorities since the late 2016 through 2020. Errors such as the mismanagement of the COVID-19 pandemic were among the immediate triggers of the 2020 crisis. The 2020 developments thus demonstrated a major breakdown of previously effective Belarusian preventive authoritarianism. The internal drivers and dynamics of this breakdown require a more profound study.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 53-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne-Kathrin Weber

Martha Nussbaum’s political theory of compassion offers an extensive and compelling study of the potential of employing compassionate emotions in the political realm to further social justice and societal “love”. In this article, two pitfalls of Nussbaum’s affirming theory of a politics of compassion are highlighted: the problem of a dual-level hierarchisation and the “magic” of feeling compassion that potentially removes the subject of compassion from reality. I will argue that Hannah Arendt’s thoughts on pity provide substantial challenges to a democratic theory of compassion in this respect. Following these theoretical reflections, I will turn to Hillary Clinton’s 2016 US-American presidential election campaign, to her video ads “Love and Kindness” in particular, in order to provide fitting illustrations from current realpolitik for these specific pitfalls of the political employment of compassionate emotions.


Author(s):  
Aleksei Sergeevich Butorov ◽  
Viktor Vyacheslavovich Bulkin

The object of the research is the participation of American youth in socio-political life of the country in 2020. The authors consider the main prerequisites and processes of youth participation in protests. The article contains the review and analysis of the most significant reasons of youth participation in protests. The authors study the growth of protest sentiment in the U.S. as a result of the recent escalation of socio-political and socio-cultural conflicts strengthened by the range of political, ethnic, and race factors and the COVID-19 pandemic. Special attention is given to the analysis of the role and importance of youth participation in the presidential election campaign in 2020, and the peculiarities of the influence of social media on the involvement of youth into the election process and protest movement. The scientific novelty of the research consists in the fact that the role of youth is socio-political life in the U.S. in the context of the escalation of socio-political and socio-cultural processes, aggravated by the COVID-19 pandemic, hasn’t been studied sufficiently enough in Russian academic discourse. The main conclusion of the research is as follows: the growth of protest sentiment in the U.S. is the result of the recent escalation of socio-political and socio-cultural conflicts aggravated by the COVID-19 pandemic. It is obvious that the role of youth in the modern political life in the U.S. will keep steadily growing.  


Author(s):  
Anton KRUTIKOV

The 2019 presidential election in Ukraine was marked by a record number of candidates and unprecedented diversity of political forces represented in the campaign. The election once again showed its unpredictability, and the participation of media personalities turned out to be a serious challenge for the Ukrainian authorities. The sensational vote for Volodymyr Zelensky, who received the title of Destroyer of Elites, can become a cultural phenomenon and set a significant precedent in modern Ukrainian history.


2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 260-301 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephanie Craft

This monograph begins a rethinking of the idea of professional journalism ethics and examines how ethics is being employed as a key differentiator between amateurs (audience members, citizen journalists, and the like) and professionals, while other once-distinguishing features of journalism have become more widely dispersed and available to the public. How do the ethics of nonprofessionals practicing journalism differ, if at all, from everyday morality? Is journalism ethics—should journalism ethics be—the exclusive domain of professionals? This monograph considers the role of ethics in defining what it means to be a professional journalist; challenges to professional journalism’s autonomy from “amateurs” and how ethics is used to maintain boundaries between them; and objectivity as a tenet of professional journalism ethics. An analysis of 2016 U.S. presidential election campaign coverage is used to explore how and why a professional journalism centered on an ethic of objectivity can fail to perform ethically.


2018 ◽  
pp. 187-198
Author(s):  
Kristen Hoerl

The conclusion discusses the implications of Hollywood’s selective amnesia regarding late sixties dissent for the 2016 presidential election campaign and contemporary social movements. It explains that while several recent television programs including the award-winning series Mad Men have provided caricatured portrayals of the counterculture, anti-war, and Black Power movements, independent films such as Cesar Chavez and Chicago 10 have celebrated collective protest. The chapter concludes that these recent portrayals of sixties-era activism reveal ongoing contestation about the decade, its legacy, and the role of dissent in contemporary politics. While the bad sixties endures in popular culture, other memories of dissent are resources for imagining empowering models of social justice organizing.


Author(s):  
P. Y. Feldman ◽  
N. S. Danyuk ◽  
Y. S. Senokop

This article provides an applied analysis of the social network technologies used by Western IT-companies to exert a direct or indirect influence on political processes. The study focuses on a set of tools that were employed to shape the media landscape during the 2020 presidential election campaign in the United States. Overall, the empirical observations suggest that the largest networking services (such as Facebook, Twitter, Google, YouTube, etc.) more or less contributed to the success of the Democratic candidate.Having studied the relevant U.S. experience, the authors identify a set of manipulative techniques used by social network administrators to form specific electoral attitudes among users. These include blocking accounts; setting up search algorithms to produce pre-programmed results; labeling ideologically objectionable materials as “fake”, “untrustworthy”, “manipulative” and “potentially dangerous”; automatically recommending certain materials for viewing; and removing or pessimizing unwanted content.Seeking to expand their own audience, social networks flood the media space with so-called “partisan” content, which is vigorously welcomed by one part of society and just as vigorously rejected by another. This leads to polarization and radicalization of the masses. The most destructive consequences of this process can be witnessed in the United States, where Democrat and Republican supporters become not just political opponents but real antagonists.Social media, search engines and news aggregators, developing their capacity as political actors, pave the way to a qualitative change in the established electoral practices. The greatest concern is the ability of IT-companies to manipulate the political consciousness and behavior of citizens during crucial election campaigns. Considering this circumstance, the authors raise a question about the need to regulate the political and communication processes unfolding on the Internet platforms.


nauka.me ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Denis Yaremov

This article examines the phenomenon of modern alternative media being used during US presidential elections in 2016 as a propaganda tool in order to mobilize widespread political support from groups previously considered fringe. It also aims to clearly define terms such as "alternative media" and "new media" in the context of modern political praxis.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document