scholarly journals Opportunities for the Development of North Asia in the “One Belt - One Road” Project: Problems and Solutions

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suocheng Dong ◽  
Tamir Boldanov ◽  
Arnold Tulokhonov ◽  
Tcogto Bazarzhapov ◽  
Ayana Yangutova ◽  
...  
Author(s):  
Kanat Kakar ◽  

In 2013, China's Silk Road Initiative, the One Belt One Road project, was first mentioned in Kazakhstan and has been widely discussed by major countries and international organizations. Kazakhstan's participation in this project, a resource-rich country in Central Asia, has attracted world attention, and the impact of external forces on Central Asia will have its own impact on the implementation of this project. The interests of countries such as Russia and the United States in Central Asia and the views of international organizations are important factors in the implementation of this project. This article examines the relations between China and Kazakhstan in the framework of the "One Belt - One Road" initiative and the competition of external forces influencing it, their views on the project, their interests, the project and competing projects, and highlights important international organizations and agreements. and the toothed conclusion is pronounced.


Author(s):  
M. S. Mikhalev

One of the most significant international infrastructure projects of our time is undoubtedly the foreign policy initiative “One belt, One Road” announced by China ’s leader Xi Jinping in 2013. Despite the fact that the true reasons, scale and long-term goals of this global project of China have not been definitively formulated yet, it is obvious the “One Belt, One Road” Project has surpassed its originally stated infrastructure and economic guidelines and become an ambitious long-term plan to promote the Chinese economic model around the world. From the point the Chinese planners the initiative of Xi Jinping is able in the near future to provide a platform for harmonious coexistence and solidarity between various countries and entire civilizations that while remaining independent from each other politically and culturally, will be economically interdependent and share a common desire for a harmonious co-development. The principles and ideals on which, to the mind of the initiators of the “One Belt, One Road” Project, such a civilizational dialogue of equals should be built, require the most serious attention and careful study. Unfortunately, in most modern publications on this topic, the analysis of the reasons, goals and objectives of the global Chinese initiative is carried out only on the basis of official documents of the Chinese government and the positions of those experts in China, whose opinion rather reflects their own attitude to the “One Belt, One Road” Project than is decisive in the process of internal Chinese discussion on this issue. It seems that this approach does not contribute to the formation of an objective understanding of the conditions under which this new foreign policy of China is born and to what consequences it could lead. In contrast, in this article, an attempt is made to consider the origins and to interpret the goals of “One Belt, One Road” Project through the analysis of the discussion taking place inside China which is not intended for the external audience.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 85-99
Author(s):  
Girdhari Dahal

Nepal and China have a long history of foreign relation since ancient time. As a modern state, Nepal established its diplomatic relations with China in 1955. The main objective of this paper is to explore the foreign relation of Nepal with China. This study uses secondary data for the collection of facts and information. It is descriptive and analytical in nature. This study is based on Constitution of Nepal, bilateral treaties, joint statements of high level official visits and different scholarly articles. Basic principles of the foreign policy of Nepal and China is set by mutual trust and the guidelines of Panchasheel. Nepal has always followed and accepted the One-China policy. Also, Nepal has supported the ambitious Chinese initiatives for one belt one road project. Similarly, China has been Nepal's key development partner. China has helped Nepal in different development projects. Nepal has signed a transit treaty with China. Now, Nepal has an alternative for third country transport transit.


Author(s):  
M. Doroshko ◽  
S. But

The trends of the growing confrontation of international relations and the increasing role of Asian countries in world politics directly affect the issue of China-India interaction in the strategically important region of South Asia. It is clear that the role of the region for each of the sides has a different weight: if India considers leadership in South Asia as a key geopolitical goal, for the PRC it is only one element of the global expansion strategy. Both states are trying to consolidate their influence in the region through various kinds of collaboration and assistance, using bilateral and multilateral formats of cooperation. In particular, at the level of competition of geoeconomic initiatives, China is actively promoting the “One Belt, One Road” project, while India seeks to balance using a wider range of integration tools – SAARC, “NorthSouth”, “Spice Route” and “Look East” policy. However, the Chinese side is achieving success due to great financial opportunities and promises, the needs of the countries of the region for external impulses for economic development, the lack of determination in Indian regional politicy, and the rejection by South Asian countries the prospect of Indian domination, key reason of what is various kinds of problems in relations with official New-Delhi. This concerns primarily Pakistan, which at the same time is a key regional partner of China. Now the regional policy of India has a clear advantage over the Chinese strategy of "geopolitical ticks" only in Bhutan and tactically in the Maldives. However, Chinese influence is increasingly causing concern among the regional given the growth of financial dependence, the use of so-called “debt-trap diplomacy” and even a demonstration of strength, the most colorful evidence of what is the experience of Sri Lanka.


Author(s):  
Sunamis Fabelo Concepción

The article is based on the analysis of the integrationist trends that have evolved in Central Asia between 1991 and 2015. It deals with how the historical reality of the Central Asian republics conditioned them to search for centers of reference to guide the construction of their political and economic systems. This situation caused these countries, since their independence, to begin to interact with important international relations players, with whom they built a series of interdependent relations that were tracing two integrationist conceptions that became trends: Western and Eurasian. The latter one is the one that has most advanced in the period studied, promoted by Russia and China with the implementation of important mechanisms of association, cooperation and consensus, among which the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the Eurasian Economic Union and the New Silk Road project. In this sense, the Chinese megaproject One Belt One Road is supported by a series of conceptual bases as a result of the progress and evolution of the Eurasian trend understood in its broader meaning.


Author(s):  
A. P. Sukhodolov ◽  
I. V. Anokhov

The article aims at evaluating the One Belt One Road project implemented by China that will define long-term trajectories of the world trade and finance development as well as prospects of Russia’s participation in this project. It seems that the project under consideration is not a full alternative to the existing nowadays world system of railroad and sea shipping both from the viewpoint of the shipping cost and the scope of investment required. A possibility of full-scale refocusing of Russia’s transport systems (the Trans-Siberian Railway, the Northern Sea Route) on the One Belt One Road project is not currently obvious, thus, one cannot state with certainty Russia’s role in this project. Besides, implementing this project results in building in Eurasia a China-centric economy system that does not coincide with the structures built by Russia, i.e. the Eurasian Economic Union, the Customs Union and other ones. At the same time, the One Belt One Road project seems to have no alternatives. None of the other countries has proposed a project that can be compared with the One Belt One Road one in terms of being large-scale, having a global impact as well as long-term effects. It is believed, that after the implementation of the project is complete, the technological and social differences between Europe’s and China’s potentials, which were the reason for shipping goods from Southeast Asia to Europe over the past centuries, will be reduced to a significant extent. In terms of this the China-centric world will have to provide different noneconomic reasons for its existence, i.e. provide the world with new values and meanings of the postindustrial world. In this context Russia’s participating in the One Belt One Road project may appear to be necessary: Russia can act as a project’s security operator, a mediator between China and the countries who are participants of the Silk Road Economic Belt in cases where their interests collide. Russia can also generate values and meanings of economic processes. The safe transportation routes Russia has, i.e. the Trans-Siberian Railway, the Northern Sea Route as well as long-term friendly relations with the countries-participants of the Silk Road Economic Belt and Russia’s being experienced in harmonizing different interests can become the key aspects contributing to success of this project.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 981-995
Author(s):  
A.A. Akaev ◽  
O.I. Davydova ◽  
A.S. Malkov ◽  
S.G Shulgin

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