scholarly journals Ethno-National Instrumentalization of the Ukrainian-Russian Conflict in the Light of Modification and Hybridization of Russian Foreign, Security and Military Policy

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Igor Izhnin ◽  
Kostiantyn Polishchuk ◽  
Oksana Shamborovska
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Ethnic Identity ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Key Words ◽  
Ethnic Conflict ◽  
Humanitarian Intervention ◽  
Ethnic Background ◽  
Responsibility To Protect ◽  
Military Policy ◽  
Factors Influencing

This article examines the main characteristics of the nowadays conflict in the eastern part of Ukraine from the point of its ethnic background, allowing to understand its ethnic implications as well as contradictions. The contexts of the modern international relations system and internal Ukrainian situation are used. Factors influencing the process of ethnic instrumentalization and internationalization of the conflict are revealed. The brief analysis of the current updates and modifications of fundamental Russian doctrines in foreign, security and military policy is provided. The article proposes the possible variants of the outcomes of internationalization of the Ukrainian-Russian conflict. Key words: ethnic conflict; ethnic identity; «greed versus grievance» theory; instrumentalization and internationalization of the conflict; hybridization of foreign policy; humanitarian intervention; responsibility to protect.

Challenges for Humanitarian Intervention

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Adverse Effects ◽  
Humanitarian Intervention ◽  
Policy Instrument ◽  
Responsibility To Protect ◽  
Member States ◽  
Ulterior Motives

An enduring concern about armed humanitarian intervention, and the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ doctrine that advocates its use under certain circumstances, is that such interventions are liable to be employed as a foreign policy instrument by powerful states pursuing geopolitical interests. This collection of essays critically investigates the causes and consequences, as well as the uses and abuses, of armed humanitarian intervention. Some of the chapters interrogate how the presence of ulterior motives impact on the moral credentials of armed humanitarian intervention. Others shine a light on the potential adverse effects of such interventions, even where they are motivated primarily by humanitarian concern. While some of these unwanted consequences will be familiar to readers, others have been largely neglected in the scholarship. The volume also tracks the evolution of the R2P norm, and draws attention to how it has evolved, for better or for worse, since UN member states unanimously accepted it over a decade ago. In some respects, the norm has been distorted to yield prescriptions, and to impose constraint, fundamentally at odds with the spirit of the R2P idea. This gives us all the more reason to be cautious of unwarranted optimism about humanitarian intervention and the Responsibility to Protect.

10. International law and the use of force

2021 ◽  
pp. 219-246
Author(s):  
Nicole Scicluna
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
International Law ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
Humanitarian Intervention ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
Responsibility To Protect ◽  
Territorial Integrity ◽  
Jus Ad Bellum ◽  
Self Defence

This chapter explores the justness, legitimacy, and legality of war. While 1945 was a key turning point in the codification of jus ad bellum (i.e. international law on the use of force), that framework did not emerge in a vacuum. Rather, it was the product of historical political contingencies that meant that codification of the laws of war was contemporaneous, both geographically and temporally, with the solidification of the norms of sovereign nation-statehood and territorial integrity. The chapter focuses on the UN Charter regime and how it has shaped the politics of war since 1945. Importantly, the Charter establishes a general prohibition on the use of force in international relations. It also grants two exceptions to the prohibition: actions undertaken with Security Council authorization and actions taken in self-defence. Today, many of the most serious challenges to the Charter regime concern the definition and outer limits of the concept of self-defence. Another set of challenges to the Charter regime concerns the contested concept of ‘humanitarian intervention’. The chapter then looks at the development of the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ doctrine.

scholarly journals As relações entre Brasil e Cuba: das vantagens econômicas à retração política

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 468-490
Author(s):  
Regiane Nitsch Bressan
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Key Words ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Bilateral Trade ◽  
Health Sector ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Political Economic

O trabalho apresenta a evolução da relação bilateral entre Brasil e Cuba entre 2008 e 2016, superando a distância entre os países. A política externa do governo de Lula foi propositiva às relações regionais, fomentou integração latino-americana a partir da CELAC, que inclui Cuba no diálogo regional, e efetuou aproximação política, econômica e ideológica entre os dois países. A política externa de Rousseff sucedeu-se em termos pragmáticos, assegurando ganhos a ambos os países. Entre eles: os investimentos brasileiros na modernização do Porto de Mariel e a construção da Zona Econômica; o crescimento singular do comércio bilateral e instalação de empresas brasileiras na ilha; além da cooperação na área da saúde, o recrutamento de 11.429 médicos para atuarem em áreas carentes do território brasileiro. A densidade e natureza pragmática desta relação foram fundamentais para a consolidação da política entre Brasil e Cuba, mas enfrenta entraves do governo de Michel Temer, cuja política externa é guinada aos países do Norte, sendo possível identificar retrocesso no empenho brasileiro nos projetos regionais, estremecendo as relações com os países latino-americanos, inclusive com Cuba. Palavras-Chaves: Brasil; Cuba; Relações Internacionais; América Latina.       Abstract: This paper gives an overview of the evolution of bilateral relations between Brazil and Cuba from 2008 to 2016, overcoming the distance that separates the countries. The foreign policy pursued by the Lula government (2003-2011) focused on strengthening regional relations and promoting Latin American integration through CELAC, which includes Cuba in the regional dialogue, and establishing political, economic and ideological links between the two countries. Rousseff's foreign policy continued on a pragmatic course, ensuring gains for both countries. Examples of this are the Brazilian investments in the Mariel seaport modernisation and Special Economic Zone project, the growth of bilateral trade, and the installation of Brazilian companies on the island. Furthermore, cooperation was established in the health sector, involving the recruitment of 11.429 Cuban physicians to work in underdeveloped regions of Brazil. The density and pragmatic nature of this relationship have been fundamental for the consolidation of the bilateral relations between Brazil and Cuba, but faces the constraints of the recent Temer government, whose foreign policy is more directed to the northern countries and a decrease in Brazil's commitment to regional relations and integration projects can be observed, including those with Cuba. Key words: Brazil; Cuba; International Relations; Latin America.     Recebido em: março/2017 Aprovado em: novembro/2017.

Nationalism and Post-Communist International Relations

2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert English ◽  
Ekaterina Svyatets ◽  
Azamat Zhanalin
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Ethnic Conflict ◽  
Economic Transition ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Central Eurasia ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Foreign Policies

Nationalism contributed to the disintegration of the Soviet Union and helped put an end to the epoch-defining East–West rivalry, while ethnic conflict rearranged borders and peoples across the post-communist regions. After these initial shocks, however, most international relations (IR) scholars saw a region that was generally on a path toward political stabilization and international integration. This belief was reflected in the predominance of research on democratization and civil society, privatization and economic transition, and integration with the European Union. Nearly two decades after the collapse of communism, a simmering ethnic conflict in Georgia has sparked another major geopolitical shift. Nationalism remains a potent force not only in the post-Soviet and post-communist regions, but also for IR more generally, in the “normal” politics of parties and elections, development and trade, foreign policy making, and even war making. Regarding the politics of eastern Europe and central Eurasia, at least three distinct international dimensions of post-communist nationalism can be identified: the immediate impact of national or ethnic conflict on state-to-state relations as well as conflict spillover; nationalism’s impact on the foreign policies of states, the ways in which domestic ethnic issues can shape foreign policy debates and decisions; and the transnational spread of nationalist ideology. Present circumstances offer an opportunity not only to end the animosity and even reverse the hardening of antagonistic post-Cold War identities, but also to assess the respective impact of cultural–historical, economic, and leadership factors on the ongoing development of national identity and nationalism.

Responsibility to Protect: Syria The Law, Politics, and Future of Humanitarian Intervention Post-Libya

2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 124-159 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graham Cronogue
Keyword(s):  
Security Council ◽  
Humanitarian Intervention ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
Responsibility To Protect ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Factors Influencing ◽  
The Law

Based on the Security Council’s disparate responses to relatively similar acts of regime violence in Syria and Libya, it seems that the Responsibility to Protect doctrine is heavily influenced by factors other than the substantive act of violence. Accordingly, this paper discusses the legal, but also the strategic and pragmatic factors influencing the use, or abstention from the use, of armed humanitarian intervention. While some critics decry the influence of factors that are seemingly exogenous to Responsibility to Protect, this paper argues that the interplay of law and various matters of strategic concern such as politics, economics, and pragmatics is an unavoidable reality in a world where political actors (the states on the Security Council) decide the legitimacy of interventions. Therefore, this paper contends that the strategic and pragmatic concerns that prevent the use of force in Syria do not make the doctrine ipso facto illegitimate.

scholarly journals Chinese Eastern Railway and Russian Minority Groups in Manchuria

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-102
Author(s):  
N. А. Vul ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Identity ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Minority Groups ◽  
Ethnic Background ◽  
The Other ◽  
Majority Group ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Chinese White ◽  
History Of

The history of the Chinese Eastern Railway (CER) railway, which has drawn the attention of scholars almost since the time of its construction, is inseparable from the story of the complicated and tangled relations between one majority group — Chinese — and two large minority groups, White émigrés and Soviet citizens who resided in Manchuria and whose lives were largely related to the CER. These relations are largely ignored by the scholars of the CER, in which the focus is on various diplomatic aspects and the CER is considered to be a key actor in international relations of the countries and whose interests were related to Manchuria. Therefore, this article explores the complicated and tangled relations between Chinese, White émigrés, and Soviet citizens who resided in Manchuria in 1920s — 1930s and whose lives were largely related to the Chinese Eastern Railway. This very aspect, the existence of two minority groups (CER’s soviet staff and White émigrés) who shared the same linguistic, cultural, and ethnic background, but who, on the other hand, were political antagonists, makes the Manchurian case especially unique and interesting. This paper argues that common ethnic identity prevailed over ideological discord. This discord was neutralized by life which they lived together surrounded by culturally, linguistically, and ethnically different majority.

scholarly journals China, Responsibility to Protect, and the Case of Syria

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-402
Author(s):  
Catherine Gegout ◽  
Shogo Suzuki
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Humanitarian Intervention ◽  
Responsibility To Protect ◽  
Humanitarian Crisis ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Rise Of China ◽  
The Rise Of China ◽  
Party State

Abstract Will the rise of China, an authoritarian, party-state with a poor record of protecting its citizens’ human rights, undermine humanitarian intervention? This question has been particularly pertinent since China’s “assertive turn” in foreign policy. Drawing on the case of Chinese reactions to the humanitarian crisis in Syria, this article argues that China’s attitude toward humanitarian intervention remains ambiguous and contradictory. While China has at times prevented the UN Security Council from threatening sanctions on Syria, it has not necessarily denied that a humanitarian crisis exists. The article shows that the People’s Republic of China is beginning to act more as a norm maker than norm taker, and is offering its own vision of humanitarian intervention, coined as “responsible protection.”

scholarly journals NATO Aggression Against Yugoslavia: International-Legal, Military Strategic and Geopolitical Consequences

2019 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 32-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. G. Ponomareva ◽  
A. V. Frolov
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Humanitarian Intervention ◽  
Central Element ◽  
Responsibility To Protect ◽  
Internal Conflict ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Legal Consequences

On March 24, 1999, on the pretext of protecting human rights NATO began its aggression against a sovereign European state – the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Historically, it was the first military strike against a sovereign state in response not to external aggression, but to internal conflict. The escalation of the Kosovo conflict to the scale of a «humanitarian intervention» raised a sharp question about not only the contours and principles of the 21st century world system, but also about the limits of the functionality of supranational (first and foremost force) structures. The NATO aggression had both short-term and long-term consequences. The article analyzes three groups of consequences: international-legal, military strategic and geopolitical. In the analysis of international-legal consequences, we investigated the process of legitimation of «humanitarian intervention» and «responsibility to protect». In the analysis of military strategic consequences, the emphasis is given to the processes and procedures of the transformation of the Serbian army into a dysfunctional system and the creation of conditions for accession of the Republic to NATO. Since Serbia is the central element of the Balkan policy of Western countries and organizations, the question is extremely important. Geopolitical consequences of the aggression we analyzed through the prism of political technologies of political coups tested in Serbia in October 2000 and used later in different regions of the world. The study is preceded by a short historiographical review of the latest literature on the topic. The conducted multilevel analysis of the consequences of the NATO aggression in 1999 gives an opportunity to formulate fundamentally new conceptual foreign policy approaches of modern Russia foreign policy.

India and the Responsibility to Protect: A Tale of Ambiguity

2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kudrat Virk
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Military Intervention ◽  
Humanitarian Intervention ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Responsibility To Protect ◽  
World Summit ◽  
The Past ◽  
Armed Intervention ◽  
Empirical Record ◽  
Changing World

Military intervention to halt atrocities is one of the most contentious aspects of R2P and with which India has often expressed disagreement in the past. Since the 2005 World Summit, however, there has been an apparent softening in that opposition. This article takes a close-up look at the empirical record, revealing ambiguity in Indian attitudes from the outset that militates against categorizing them as either ‘for’ or ‘against’ humanitarian intervention. The portrait that emerges is of a reactive actor driven incrementally away from a default preference for sovereignty as autonomy, whilst harbouring deep concerns about armed intervention. This article suggests that cautious and reluctant accommodation offers the best description of India’s still unresolved stance on humanitarian intervention. That fits in with a broad preference for pragmatism in foreign policy, which has struggled to balance traditional concerns with a ‘new’ ambition to acquire and sustain greater power-political influence in a changing world.

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