scholarly journals Resultan Politik dan Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 14/PUU-XI/2013 dalam Politik Hukum Pemilu

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 327
Author(s):  
Sholehudin Zuhri

Dalam perkembangan politik hukum kontemporer, keputusan politik dalam pembentukan regulasi sering dihadapkan pada dua persoalan sekaligus yang saling berhadapan. Konfigurasi politik dalam pembentukan Undang-Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2017, partai politik di parlemen tidak hanya merepresentasikan kepentingan politiknya, tetapi juga dihadapkan pada keharusan mengakomodir putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 14/PUU-XI/2013 sebagai koreksi keputusan politik yang otoriter. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian yuridis normatif dengan metode kualitatif, studi ini menitikberatkan pada pemahaman komprehensif yang meliputi interaksi politik dan hukum dalam terciptanya konfigurasi politik hukum pemilu. Hasil studi ini dapat menjelaskan kepatuhan partai politik terhadap hukum dalam menciptakan konfigurasi politik di parlemen, namun di sisi lainnya lemahnya partai politik dalam membangun koalisi dalam mewujudkan sistem pemilu demokratis justru menjadikan keputusan politik yang dipilih menjadi otoriter dalam pelaksana teknisnya. Kehadiran hukum dalam perkembangan konfigurasi politik kontemporer, dapat menjadi paradigma baru dalam terciptanya konfigurasi politik demokratis yang pada akhirnya terbentuknya hukum pemilu yang demokratis.In the development of contemporary political laws, political decisions in regulatory formation are often confronted with two issues at once facing each other. The political configuration in the Law No. 7 year 2017, political parties in parliament not only represent political interests but also face the necessity to accommodate the decision of the Constitutional Court Number 14/ PUU-XI/2013 as a correction of authoritarian political decisions. This research is normative juridical research with qualitative method. The results of this study can explain the compliance of political parties to the law in creating the political configuration in parliament. Yet on the other hand, the weakness of political parties in building coalitions in realizing the democratic election system makes the selected political decision become authoritarian in its technical execution. The presence of law in the development of contemporary political configuration can be a new paradigm in creating democratic political configuration which ultimately the formation of democratic law of elections.

2011 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Fauzan

The authority of the Constitutional Court to adjudicate and decide upon the opinion of the House of Representatives that the President and/or vice  president has violated the law of treason to the state, corruption, bribery, other felonies, or moral turpitude, and/or that the President and /or Vice President no longer meets the conditions as President and/or Vice President are normative efforts to avoid a repeat of dismisal that are soley based on slander and suspicion which are only to satisfy the political interests of political elites. Key words : The authority of the Constitutional Court, Impeachment


2019 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 71
Author(s):  
Yohanes Nafta Irawan ◽  
Retno Saraswati ◽  
Esmi Warassih Pujirahayu

This research analyzes the Constitutional Court Decision Number 16/PUU-XVI/2018 that has been canceled Article 122 letter l and Article 245 section (1) from the Law Number 2 of 2018. Article 122 letter l is related to legal steps or other steps that can be taken by The Council Honor Court in the event that there is individuals, groups of people, or legal entities who criticize the House of Representatives or members of the House of Representatives, while Article 245 section (1) relates to the consideration given by the Council Honor Court in the event of a summons or request for investigation into members of the House of Representatives. Both articles are considered unconstitutional and contain an extension of the authority of the Council Honor Court. The appearance of the two articles was influenced by the political configuration of the authoritarian House of Representatives and the naming of the Council Honor Court which deemed inappropriate.


Slavic Review ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Venelin I. Ganev

Infamously, the 1991 Bulgarian Constitution contains a provision banning political parties “formed on an ethnic basis.” In the early 1990s, the neo-communist Bulgarian Socialist Party invoked this provision when it asked the country's Constitutional Court to declare unconstitutional the political party of the beleaguered Turkish minority. In this article, Venelin I. Ganev analyzes the conflicting arguments presented in the course of the constitutional trial that ensued and shows how the justices’ anxieties about the possible effects of politicized ethnicity were interwoven into broader debates about the scope of the constitutional normative shift that marked the end of the communist era, about the relevance of historical memory to constitutional reasoning, and about the nature of democratic politics in a multiethnic society. Ganev also argues that the constitutional interpretation articulated by the Court has become an essential component of Bulgaria's emerging political order. More broadly, he illuminates the complexity of some of the major issues that frame the study of ethnopolitics in postcommunist eastern Europe: the varied dimensions of the “politics of remembrance“; the ambiguities of transitional justice; the dilemmas inherent in the construction of a rights-centered legality; and the challenges involved in establishing a forward-looking, pluralist system of governance.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kurdistan Saeed

This study deals with the political parties’ pluralism in Iraq under the Parties Law No. 36 of 2015. The importance of the study lies in the fact that it looks at a topic that is at the heart of democracy and it is necessary for the success of any democratic processes. The study focuses on parties’ pluralism in Iraq since the establishment of the Iraqi state in 1921 until the end of the Baath Party regime in 2003, it also covers the period after 2003 and pays particular attention to the Parties Law No. 36 of 2015. It focuses on the legal framework of political parties after the adoption of the Political Parties Law and studies the impact of this law on parties’ pluralism in Iraq after its approval in 2015. The study concludes that Law No. 36 of 2015 is incapable of regulating parties’ pluralism for reasons including: the lack of commitment by the political parties to the provisions of the law, the inability of the Parties Affairs Department to take measures against parties that violate the law the absence of a strong political opposition that enhances the role of political parties, the association of most Iraqi parties with foreign agendas belonging to neighboring countries, and the fact that the majority of Iraqi parties express ethnic or sectarian orientations at the expense of national identity.


Jurnal Akta ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Rita Permanasari ◽  
Akhmad Khisni

ABSTRAKKetentuan Pasal 4 dan Pasal 16 ayat (1) huruf f Undang-Undang Jabatan Notaris mewajibkan notaris untuk menjaga kerahasiaan segala sesuatu mengenai akta yang dibuatnya dan segala keterangan yang diperoleh guna pembuatan akta sesuai dengan sumpah janji jabatan kecuali undang-undang menentukan lain. Kemungkinan terhadap pelanggaran kewajiban tersebut berdasarkan Pasal 16 ayat (11) Undang-Undang Jabatan Notaris, seorang notaris dapat dikenai sanksi berupa teguran lisan sampai dengan pemberhentian dengan tidak hormat. Terlebih lagi dengan adanya putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Republik Indonesia dengan Nomor: 49/PUU–X/2012 memutuskan telah meniadakan atau mengakhiri kewenangan Majelis Pengawas Daerah (MPD) yang tercantum dalam Pasal 66 ayat (1) UUJN membuat notaris seakan-akan tidak ada perlindungan hukum bagi notaris dalam menjalankan tugas jabatannya. Ikatan Notaris Indonesia (INI) harus berusaha menjalankan peranan pembinaan dan perlindungan meningkatkan pengetahuan, kemampuan dan keterampilan para notaris. Demikian juga menjalin hubungan dengan para penegak hukum lainnya, agar penegak hukum lainnya yang ada hubungan dengan notaris dapat memahami kedudukan notaris sesuai UUJN.Berangkat dari pemikiran inilah kewajiban ingkar notaris masih tetap dipertahankan oleh pembuat undang-undang dalam revisi Undang-Undang Jabatan Notaris Tahun 2014 yang merupakan konfigurasi kekuatan perlindungan terhadap profesi dan jabatan notaris dari sisi politik.Kata Kunci : Jabatan Notaris, Hak Ingkar, Perlindungan Hukum.ABSTRACTThe provisions of Article 4 and Article 16 paragraph (1) sub-paragraph f of the Notary's Office Law require a notary to maintain the confidentiality of all matters concerning the deeds it has made and all the information obtained for the deed in accordance with the oath of pledge of office except the law otherwise. The possibility of breach of such obligation under Article 16 paragraph (11) of Notary Law Regulation, a notary public may be subject to sanctions in the form of oral reprimands until dismissal with disrespect. Moreover, with the decision of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Indonesia with the number : 49 /PUU-X/2012 deciding to have canceled or terminated the authority of the Regional Supervisory Board (MPD) listed in Article 66 paragraph (1) UUJN made a notary as if there was no legal protection for a notary in performing duties. The Indonesian Notary Bond (INI) should endeavor to undertake the role of guidance and protection to increase the knowledge, abilities and skills of the notaries. Likewise establish relationships with other law enforcers, so that other law enforcement who has relationship with the notary can understand the position of notary under the UUJN.Departing from this thought the obligation of notarization is still maintained by the lawmakers in the revision of the Law Regulation of Position Notary on Year 2014 which is the configuration of the strength of the protection of the profession and the notary's position from the political side.Keyword : Position of Notary, Right of Remedy, Legal Protection.


2018 ◽  
Vol III (I) ◽  
pp. 253-264
Author(s):  
Muhammad Zubair ◽  
Syed Imran Haider ◽  
Farhana Khattak

Gender equality and the elimination of violence against women has been taken a high priority on the international development agenda. Pakistan has introduced different laws from time to time for the safety and protection of women across the country including the different provinces. The paper analyzed pro-women and girl laws in the provinces of Sindh and tried to find out the barriers in the implementation of such laws. The major barriers found include the structural barriers at the level of judicial, police and the system of prosecution. In addition, the socio-cultural normative structure of society is strongly patriarchal. The political interests of different leaders, as well as political parties, also get the issue of implementation compromised.


Author(s):  
MANUAL DAMILAN ◽  
LAI YEW MENG ◽  
MAUREEN DE SILVA

Artikel ini membincangkan dinamika elektoral yang mempengaruhi gelombang sentimen dan pilihan politik masyarakat Dusun Kimaragang semasa Pilihan Raya DUN Sabah 1967 hingga 1982, iaitu semasa era pentadbiran United Sabah National Organisation (USNO) dan Parti Bersatu Rakyat Jelata Sabah (BERJAYA). Ramai penulis dan pengkaji mendakwa bahawa senario politik Malaysia khususnya di Sabah sejak dahulu adalah berasaskan dinamika primordial, iaitu sentimen kuat yang tidak dapat dielakkan dan berkait dengan persamaan ciri sosial manusia seperti agama, etnik, puak, bahasa, kekeluargaan dan sebagainya (Loh, 2009; xii). Senario ini telah menyebabkan kebanyakan parti politik cenderung meletakkan calon yang memiliki banyak persamaan dari segi etnik dan agama dengan pengundi di satu-satu kawasan. Walaupun begitu, kemenangan calon bukan Kimaragang (Pilihan Raya 1967 dan 1981) dan kemenangan calon beragama Islam pada tahun 1971 dan 1982 di kawasan Tandek membuktikan bahawa dinamika primordial bukanlah satu-satunya dinamika yang mempengaruhi sentimen dan keputusan politik masyarakat Dusun Kimaragang. Sebaliknya, terdapat juga dinamika-dinamika lain yang turut terlibat. Justeru, berpandukan kepada pendekatan kualitatif, kajian akan melihat sejauhmana dinamika primordial mempengaruhi sentimen politik masyarakat Dusun Kimaragang di kawasan DUN Tandek dari tahun1967 hingga 1982. Kata kunci: Dinamika elektoral, Pilihan Raya DUN Sabah, DUN Tandek, sejarah politik Sabah, masyarakat Dusun Kimaragang, Kota Marudu. This article discusses the electoral dynamics affecting the popular groundswell and political choice of the Kimaragang Dusun community in Sabah State Assembly elections from 1967 to 1982, notably during the era of the United Sabah National Organisation (USNO) and Parti Bersatu Rakyat Jelata Sabah (BERJAYA) administration. Many writers and researchers claim that Malaysia’s political scenario especially in Sabah has been primarily driven by primordial dynamics which refers to strong sentiments related to human social characteristics such as religion, ethnicity, language, family, and so on (Loh, 2009, p. xii) . This scenario has created a tendency among many political parties to place candidates who share common ethnic and religious attributes with the majority of voters in one area. However, the victory of non-Kimaragang candidates (1967 and 1981 State Election) as well as Muslim candidates in 1971 and 1982 in the predominantly Dusun Kimaragang area of Tandek proved that primordial sentiments were not the only electoral dynamic affecting the popular groundswell and political decisions of the Kimaragang Dusun community as there were also other dynamics involved. Hence, based on a qualitative approach, the study seeks to analyse the extent to which primordial dynamics influenced the political sentiments of the Kimaragang Dusun community in the Tandek state constituency from 1967 to 1982. Keywords: Electoral dynamics, Sabah State Assembly election, Tandek State Constituency, Sabah political history, Dusun Kimaragang community,Kota Marudu.


2022 ◽  
pp. 264-280
Author(s):  
Rosita Dewi

The implementation of the Noken election system in several areas in Papua Province is still debatable whether this system violates the democracy principle or not. Noken shows the symbol of power and wisdom when the election and induction of traditional (adat) leader that describe their own democracy election system. Noken has been used as an instrument to replace the ballot box since 1971 until the last Indonesia presidential direct election 2019, especially in highland areas, which are difficult to access. This Noken election system has been legally supported by several decisions of Constitutional Court in 2009. By cultivating the theory of recognition, this chapter aims to study the significance of Noken traditional election system as a form government recognition to Papuan even though this system is not applied in all Papua regions. Furthermore, this chapter attempts to analyze the potential of Noken election system as an alternative solution to reduce the Papua prolonged conflict by guaranteeing the political participation of the adat community.


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