The Implementation of Noken Election System in Papua, Indonesia

2022 ◽  
pp. 264-280
Author(s):  
Rosita Dewi
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Alternative Solution ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Direct Election ◽  
Election System

The implementation of the Noken election system in several areas in Papua Province is still debatable whether this system violates the democracy principle or not. Noken shows the symbol of power and wisdom when the election and induction of traditional (adat) leader that describe their own democracy election system. Noken has been used as an instrument to replace the ballot box since 1971 until the last Indonesia presidential direct election 2019, especially in highland areas, which are difficult to access. This Noken election system has been legally supported by several decisions of Constitutional Court in 2009. By cultivating the theory of recognition, this chapter aims to study the significance of Noken traditional election system as a form government recognition to Papuan even though this system is not applied in all Papua regions. Furthermore, this chapter attempts to analyze the potential of Noken election system as an alternative solution to reduce the Papua prolonged conflict by guaranteeing the political participation of the adat community.

scholarly journals Resultan Politik dan Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 14/PUU-XI/2013 dalam Politik Hukum Pemilu

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 327
Author(s):  
Sholehudin Zuhri
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
New Paradigm ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Election System ◽  
The Law ◽  
Democratic Election ◽  
Political Configuration ◽  
Political Decisions

Dalam perkembangan politik hukum kontemporer, keputusan politik dalam pembentukan regulasi sering dihadapkan pada dua persoalan sekaligus yang saling berhadapan. Konfigurasi politik dalam pembentukan Undang-Undang Nomor 7 Tahun 2017, partai politik di parlemen tidak hanya merepresentasikan kepentingan politiknya, tetapi juga dihadapkan pada keharusan mengakomodir putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 14/PUU-XI/2013 sebagai koreksi keputusan politik yang otoriter. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian yuridis normatif dengan metode kualitatif, studi ini menitikberatkan pada pemahaman komprehensif yang meliputi interaksi politik dan hukum dalam terciptanya konfigurasi politik hukum pemilu. Hasil studi ini dapat menjelaskan kepatuhan partai politik terhadap hukum dalam menciptakan konfigurasi politik di parlemen, namun di sisi lainnya lemahnya partai politik dalam membangun koalisi dalam mewujudkan sistem pemilu demokratis justru menjadikan keputusan politik yang dipilih menjadi otoriter dalam pelaksana teknisnya. Kehadiran hukum dalam perkembangan konfigurasi politik kontemporer, dapat menjadi paradigma baru dalam terciptanya konfigurasi politik demokratis yang pada akhirnya terbentuknya hukum pemilu yang demokratis.In the development of contemporary political laws, political decisions in regulatory formation are often confronted with two issues at once facing each other. The political configuration in the Law No. 7 year 2017, political parties in parliament not only represent political interests but also face the necessity to accommodate the decision of the Constitutional Court Number 14/ PUU-XI/2013 as a correction of authoritarian political decisions. This research is normative juridical research with qualitative method. The results of this study can explain the compliance of political parties to the law in creating the political configuration in parliament. Yet on the other hand, the weakness of political parties in building coalitions in realizing the democratic election system makes the selected political decision become authoritarian in its technical execution. The presence of law in the development of contemporary political configuration can be a new paradigm in creating democratic political configuration which ultimately the formation of democratic law of elections.

El referéndum y las consultas populares en las comunidades autónomas y municipios

2012 ◽  
pp. 95-131
Author(s):  
Esther MARTÍN
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Case Law ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Participative Democracy ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Deliberative Processes

LABURPENA: 2006. urteaz geroztik onartutako autonomia estatutu berrietan ikusten da borondate bat dagoela parte hartze politikoa sustatzeko, bai eta erakunde demokratikoak herritarrengana hurbiltzenago daitezen ere. Horren erakusgarri berezi bat herri-kontsultak deiturikoak dira, alegia, formaltasun-maila ezberdina duten hainbat tresna biltzen dituen esapidea, betiere herritarren borondatea kanalizatzea helburu, dela demokrazia parte hartzaile deiturikoan oinarritutako mekanismoak —inkestak, audientzia publikoak, parte hartzeko foroak, eztabaidalekuak—, dela erdi-zuzeneko demokraziaren ohiko mekanismoa, hots, erreferenduma. Bi tresna horien arteko diferentziak aztertzea du xede lan honek eta, erreferendumari dagokionez, ikustea zenbateraino den bideragarria autonomia mailan eta toki mailan. Badirudi ezen Espainiako Konstituzioaren 149. artikuluko aurreikuspenaren irismenaren gainean Auzitegi Konstituzionalak eman duen jurisprudentziak oso kontrol zorrotzak egiteko eskumena esleitzen diola Estatuari, erreferendumak autonomia mailan egiteko eta baimentzeko posibilitateari buruz. RESUMEN: Las previsiones de los nuevos estatutos de autonomía aprobados a partir del 2006 reflejan una voluntad de incentivar la participación política y hacer más cercanas las instituciones democráticas a los ciudadanos. Un caso singular lo constituyen las denominadas consultas populares, expresión que engloba una pluralidad de instrumentos, con diverso grado de formalización, que permiten canalizar la voluntad ciudadana: desde los denominados mecanismos de democracia participativa —encuestas, audiencias públicas, fórums de participación, procesos deliberativos—, hasta el clásico instituto de democracia semidirecta como es el referéndum. El presente trabajo analiza la diferencia entre ambos instrumentos y, centrándose en este último, analiza su viabilidad a nivel autonómico y local. La jurisprudencia del Tribunal Constitucional sobre el alcance de la previsión del art. 149.1.32 CE parece haber reservado al Estado el ejercicio de controles muy intensos sobre la previsión y autorización del referéndum autonómico y sobre su concreto ejercicio. ABSTRACT: The provisions in the new Statutes of Autonomy enacted from 2006 henceforth show a will to promote the political participation and to make institutions closer to the citizens. A particular case is the so called popular questions, expression that include a plurality of instruments with a different degree of formalization, which allow to channel the citizenship’s will: from the so called mechanisms of participative democracy —polls, public audiences, forums for participation, deliberative processes— to the classic institute of semidirect democracy as the referendum. This present work analyzes the difference among both instruments and, focusing on the latter, it analyzes its viability at an autonomic and local level. The case law by the Constitutional Court regarding the scope of the provision in article 149.1.32 seems to have saved the State with the exercise of very intense controls over the provision and authorization of the autonomic referendum and its concrete exercise.

Women in Power and Decision making Positions : Conditions and Restraints

1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Decision Making Process ◽  
Power Structures ◽  
Policies And Procedures ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
Slow Progress

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!

Facing the Challenge of Democracy

2011 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Political Knowledge ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Thinking ◽  
Democratic Representation ◽  
The Public ◽  
Party Polarization

Citizens are political simpletons—that is only a modest exaggeration of a common characterization of voters. Certainly, there is no shortage of evidence of citizens' limited political knowledge, even about matters of the highest importance, along with inconsistencies in their thinking, some glaring by any standard. But this picture of citizens all too often approaches caricature. This book brings together leading political scientists who offer new insights into the political thinking of the public, the causes of party polarization, the motivations for political participation, and the paradoxical relationship between turnout and democratic representation. These studies propel a foundational argument about democracy. Voters can only do as well as the alternatives on offer. These alternatives are constrained by third players, in particular activists, interest groups, and financial contributors. The result: voters often appear to be shortsighted, extreme, and inconsistent because the alternatives they must choose between are shortsighted, extreme, and inconsistent.

Senate Electoral Responsiveness under Indirect and Direct Election

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wendy J. Schiller ◽  
Charles Stewart
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Counterfactual Analysis ◽  
Senate Elections ◽  
Seventeenth Amendment ◽  
Direct Election ◽  
Political Outcomes ◽  
Widespread Belief ◽  
Direct Elections ◽  
The Impact

This chapter integrates findings on indirect elections with current scholarship on the impact of the adoption of the Seventeenth Amendment and onset of direct elections. It constructs a comprehensive counterfactual analysis that helps demonstrate what the political outcomes would have been with direct elections in place since the founding, and in contrast, what Senate elections would look like after 1913 if indirect elections were still in place. It also addresses the question of whether U.S. senators represented states as units and responded to state governmental concerns more under the indirect system than they do under direct elections. It argues that indirect election had little impact on the Senate's overall partisan composition prior to 1913. Contrary to widespread belief, had direct election been in effect during the years immediately preceding the Seventeenth Amendment's passage, Republicans, not Democrats, would have benefited.

Perempuan dalam Kungkungan Budaya Politik Patriarkhis

MUWAZAH ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 96
Author(s):  
Nurbaity Prastyananda Yuwono
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Awareness ◽  
Cultural Reconstruction ◽  
Women's Participation ◽  
The Government ◽  
Gender Based ◽  
Women's Networks ◽  
Women's Political Participation

Women's political participation in Indonesia can be categorized as low, even though the government has provided special policies for women. Patriarchal political culture is a major obstacle in increasing women's political participation, because it builds perceptions that women are inappropriate, unsuitable and unfit to engage in the political domain. The notion that women are more appropriate in the domestic area; identified politics are masculine, so women are not suitable for acting in the political domain; Weak women and not having the ability to become leaders, are the result of the construction of a patriarchal political culture. Efforts must be doing to increase women's participation, i.e: women's political awareness, gender-based political education; building and strengthening relationships between women's networks and organizations; attract qualified women  political party cadres; cultural reconstruction and reinterpretation of religious understanding that is gender biased; movement to change the organizational structure of political parties and; the implementation of legislation effectively.

Between the Social and the Political

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 90-98
Author(s):  
Pia Rowe ◽  
David Marsh
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Political Action ◽  
The Political ◽  
Conventional Theory ◽  
Important Relationship ◽  
The Social ◽  
Action Language

While Wood and Flinders’ work to broaden the scope of what counts as “politics” in political science is a needed adjustment to conventional theory, it skirts an important relationship between society, the protopolitical sphere, and arena politics. We contend, in particular, that the language of everyday people articulates tensions in society, that such tensions are particularly observable online, and that this language can constitute the beginning of political action. Language can be protopolitical and should, therefore, be included in the authors’ revised theory of what counts as political participation.

scholarly journals The political participation of disabled people in Europe: Rights, accessibility and activism

2016 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 1-9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Priestley ◽  
Martha Stickings ◽  
Ema Loja ◽  
Stefanos Grammenos ◽  
Anna Lawson ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Disabled People

History, Politics, and the Constitution: Ethnic Conflict and Constitutional Adjudication in Postcommunist Bulgaria

Slavic Review ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Venelin I. Ganev
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Transitional Justice ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Constitutional Adjudication

Infamously, the 1991 Bulgarian Constitution contains a provision banning political parties “formed on an ethnic basis.” In the early 1990s, the neo-communist Bulgarian Socialist Party invoked this provision when it asked the country's Constitutional Court to declare unconstitutional the political party of the beleaguered Turkish minority. In this article, Venelin I. Ganev analyzes the conflicting arguments presented in the course of the constitutional trial that ensued and shows how the justices’ anxieties about the possible effects of politicized ethnicity were interwoven into broader debates about the scope of the constitutional normative shift that marked the end of the communist era, about the relevance of historical memory to constitutional reasoning, and about the nature of democratic politics in a multiethnic society. Ganev also argues that the constitutional interpretation articulated by the Court has become an essential component of Bulgaria's emerging political order. More broadly, he illuminates the complexity of some of the major issues that frame the study of ethnopolitics in postcommunist eastern Europe: the varied dimensions of the “politics of remembrance“; the ambiguities of transitional justice; the dilemmas inherent in the construction of a rights-centered legality; and the challenges involved in establishing a forward-looking, pluralist system of governance.

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