Budapest and Brussels’ migration policy (2014–2019)

2021 ◽  
pp. 33-57
Author(s):  
Bela Y. Zhelitski ◽  

Following a brief description of the unprecedented waves of migration flowing into Europe from the Middle East and Africa, the author analyses the migration policy of the European Union and Hungary's attitude towards this policy between 2014 and 2019. The study centers on the positions, views, and specific actions of the leadership of the European Commission and the political class of Hungary, as well as the relations between them. The main approaches of the parties towards solving the problems of the migration crisis and the differences between them on key issues of migration policy, which at times turned into confrontations between Budapest and Brussels, are shown. Particular attention is given to the circumstances that led to the EU migration crisis.

2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 9-23
Author(s):  
Marianna Gladysh ◽  
Viktor Viktor

Nowadays the European Union migration policy towards is one of the most important aspects in ensuring internal security of the EU. At the end of the XXth – beginning of the XXI century, Europe faced a new phenomenon – the intensifi cation of migration processes, namely the influx of refugees and migrants-asylum seekers from third countries. Therefore, it led to the creation and development of common migration policy of the European Union. In this regard, it was important to create legislation that could regulate such issues as border security and combating illegal migration, as well as to create a common asylum system. The need to study the legal framework on which the EU policy on migrants and refugees is based, and to study the current state and trends in the migration policy of the member-states of the EU has determined the relevance of this study. The importance of this topic is intensified by the European migration crisis of 2015, which is even described as a humanitarian catastrophe caused by a massive influx of refugees from Africa and the Middle East. It showed the main problems in the sphere of migration policy and policy towards refugees: imperfection of the system of delimitation of the EU competencies; a large number of countries with confl icting interests in various spheres; fragmentation of programs in force at the national level. To address the migration crisis, the EU used a multifaceted strategy: improving and creating new migration management institutions, expanding crossregional dialogue with the countries of the Mediterranean region, Africa and the Middle East; continued to reformat the Mediterranean region (region-building). Potential approaches range from an internal search for strategies in which each member state seeks to defend its own interests (sometimes even against European integration processes) to a more farsighted approach in which member states work together to address a wide range of migration issues.


Author(s):  
Petr YAKOVLEV

The decision on Britain’s secession from the European Union, taken by the British Parliament and agreed by London and Brussels, divided the Union history into “before” and “after”. Not only will the remaining member states have to “digest” the political, commercial, economic and mental consequences of parting with one of the largest partners. They will also have to create a substantially new algorithm for the functioning of United Europe. On this path, the EU is confronted with many geopolitical and geo-economic challenges, which should be answered by the new leaders of the European Commission, European Council, and European Parliament.


Author(s):  
Sharon Pardo

Israeli-European Union (EU) relations have consisted of a number of conflicting trends that have resulted in the emergence of a highly problematic and volatile relationship: one characterized by a strong and ever-increasing network of economic, cultural, and personal ties, yet marked, at the political level, by disappointment, bitterness, and anger. On the one hand, Israel has displayed a genuine desire to strengthen its ties with the EU and to be included as part of the European integration project. On the other hand, Israelis are deeply suspicious of the Union’s policies and are untrusting of the Union’s intentions toward the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and to the Middle East as a whole. As a result, Israel has been determined to minimize the EU’s role in the Middle East peace process (MEPP), and to deny it any direct involvement in the negotiations with the Palestinians. The article summarizes some key developments in Israeli-European Community (EC)/EU relations since 1957: the Israeli (re)turn to Europe in the late 1950s; EC-Israeli economic and trade relations; the 1980 Venice Declaration and the EC/EU involvement in the MEPP; EU-Israeli relations in a regional/Mediterranean context; the question of Israeli settlements’ products entering free of duty to the European Common Market; EU-Israeli relations in the age of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP); the failed attempt to upgrade EU-Israeli relations between the years 2007 and 2014; and the Union’s prohibition on EU funding to Israeli entities beyond the 1967 borders. By discussing the history of this uneasy relationship, the article further offers insights into how the EU is actually judged as a global-normative actor by Israelis.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (01) ◽  
pp. 1950003
Author(s):  
AUGUSTIN IGNATOV

The European Union (EU) has certainly reduced its influence in the global economic affairs. Despite the fact that it unites 28 nations, including the former great powers such as the United Kingdom, Germany, France and Italy, the political and economic power of the community has considerably decreased starting with the second half of 2000s. The present research is undertaken with the aim of increasing the readers’ awareness regarding the necessity of enforcing the EU economic security through consolidating the authority of the supranational bodies in relation with national representatives. The objectives to be reached in this regard include assessing how much the governance efficiency alternations among the EU member countries influence the efficiency of the single market in a globalised society. It was found that several processes determined the decline of Europe’s strength including raising globalisation and increasing competition, economic weaknesses of the EU which worsened during the crisis, stagnation of the integration process, feeble leadership and lack of resoluteness, especially in the most developed EU nations, declining adherence to “core” values, migration crisis, little political commitment to protecting EU’s citizens’ interests, and countries’ individualism in promoting key initiatives.


2021 ◽  
pp. 41-52
Author(s):  
Zbigniew Czachór

The main research objective of the text is to analyse the refugee relocation system in the light of historical institutionalism in 2015–2018. Historical institutionalism refers to the interaction between European integration actors in the European Union system, analysed in retrospect from a documentary perspective. The time factor is particularly important, since it enables to follow the institutional process defined by EU norms, procedures and integration rules and their sequential impact on favoured treatment or disavowing of integration visions, preferences, needs and interests. In view of the above, the refugee relocation system proposed and introduced in the period 2015–2018 confirms the above research assumption that the political decision on relocation made by the European Commission and the European Council resulted in a relevant legal act adopted by the EU Council to regulate the issue. Although under the pressure of the situation Member States agreed, some of them began to contest the decisions later.


2005 ◽  
pp. 51-58
Author(s):  
V.O. Shved

A characteristic feature of the EU's current foreign policy course is its stepping up its policy towards relations with Islamic countries, especially the Middle East and Middle East, and enhancing its role in addressing key issues in the region. To date, the region has been identified in the Council of Europe and European Commission documents as a "key foreign policy priority"


2022 ◽  
pp. 52-69
Author(s):  
Kateryna Tryma ◽  
Kostyantyn Balabanov ◽  
Natalia Pashyna ◽  
Olena Hilchenko

The current migration crisis has far-reaching challenges for EU countries. Global migration is forcing countries to completely reconsider their migration policies, the effectiveness of control, and the integration of migrants. As one of the EU's leading countries, Germany is the biggest lobbyist for the establishment of a common migration policy in the EU. This chapter contributes to the academic discussion on establishing a single mechanism for managing migration flows in the European Union. The analysis confirms that EU countries are faced with the need to find new ways to resolve the migration crisis. In this direction, Germany has become the country where one can trace the uniqueness of the political phenomenon of integration of migrants into the host community as a measure to overcome the migration crisis. The evidence reveals the growth of threats for national, regional, and international security caused by the growing migration crisis and transformation of the policy of integration of migrants in Germany under the influence of this factor.


Author(s):  
Maxim V. Fomenko ◽  
◽  
Anfisa E. Kriuchkova ◽  

The article is devoted to the impact of the epidemiological situation in the countries of the European Union in connection with the coronavirus COVID-19 pandemic on the migration policy of the integration association. Based on the analysis of documents and statistical materials, the author identified the key factors that determine the transformation of European migration policy at the present stage. In addition to that the author put forward the idea of the EU maintaining the course for the implementation of a set of measures taken in this area before the beginning of the pandemic. The article analyzes some of the consequences of the migration crisis of 2015-2016. Some documents adopted in the EU during and after the migration crisis are cited. A critical understanding of the "open door policy" is given. After the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, the EU countries faced a new challenge. The global lockdown put tens of thousands of migrants in a vulnerable position in EU countries awaiting status. Despite the fact that the primary tasks of accommodating and helping migrants at the beginning of the pandemic were solved, it is worth noting that the European Union did not show proper coordination of actions. For example, a comprehensive approach to the formation of a unified migration policy has not yet been developed.


Politeja ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (3(60)) ◽  
pp. 303-322
Author(s):  
Jovan Bazić

This paper deals with the relations between the Republic of Serbia and the European Union, with special attention to the key issues in the process of its accession to the EU, as well as the political moods of the Serbian citizens towards that membership. There are many problems and misunderstandings in the process of Serbia’s accession to the European Union which are expressed through conflicts of different interests, the EU’s asymmetrical and ultimatumbased relationship with Serbia, a different perception and assessment of reality in Serbia, the value system and other cultural factors. These problems are manifested through many issues, and essentially, they stem from the consequences of the break-up of Yugoslavia and the political conditions for Serbia’s admission to EU membership, such as: the support of the secessionist processes in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, first in case of secession of Montenegro from the FR Yugoslavia and then of Kosovo and Metohija from Serbia, as well as in the issues of Serbia’s cooperation with the Hague Tribunal. The core standards for EU membership from Copenhagen and Madrid remain in the shadow of these problems. This is one of the reasons why in Serbia the skepticism towards its membership in the European Union has been on the rise. Other contributing reasons for skepticism include the current processes within the Union, such as economic, monetary and institutional crisis, Brexit; the strengthening of conservatism and separatism, as well as the increasingly noticeable initiatives for the reorganization of the Union. That is why Serbia’s path to EU membership has become more complicated and why it seems more and more like a road without a final destination.


Oikos ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (29) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Olga María Cerqueira Torres

RESUMENEn el presente artículo el análisis se ha centrado en determinar cuáles de las funciones del interregionalismo, sistematizadas en los trabajos de Jürgen Rüland, han sido desarrolladas en la relación Unión Europea-Comunidad Andina de Naciones, ya que ello ha permitido evidenciar si el estado del proceso de integración de la CAN ha condicionado la racionalidad política del comportamiento de la Unión Europea hacia la región andina (civil power o soft imperialism); esto posibilitará establecer la viabilidad de la firma del Acuerdo de Asociación Unión Europea-Comunidad Andina de Naciones.Palabras clave: Unión Europea, Comunidad Andina, interregionalismo, funciones, acuerdo de asociación. Interregionalism functions in the EU-ANDEAN community relationsABSTRACTIn the present article analysis has focused on which functions of interregionalism, systematized by Jürgen Rüland, have been developed in the European Union-Andean Community birregional relation, that allowed demonstrate if the state of the integration process in the Andean Community has conditioned the political rationality of the European Union towards the Andean region (civil power or soft imperialism); with all these elements will be possible to establish the viability of the Association Agreement signature between the European Union and the Andean Community.Keywords: European Union, Andean Community, interregionalism, functions, association agreement.


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