scholarly journals Age, gender, personality, ideological attitudes and individual differences in a person’s news spectrum: How many and who might be prone to “filter bubbles” and “echo chambers” online?

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cornelia Sindermann ◽  
Jon D. Elhai ◽  
morten moshagen ◽  
Christian Montag

Potential effects of demographics, personality, and ideological attitudes on one’s news spectrum, and as a consequence, the susceptibility to be caught in “filter bubbles” and/or “echo chambers” online, should be investigated.A sample of 1,681 (n=557 males) participants provided data on demographic variables, the Big Five as well as Right Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) alongside the number of different news sources consumed and current voting preferences.Results showed that age (positively), gender (higher in males), Openness (positively), and RWA (negatively) predicted the number of different news sources consumed. The group of participants consuming news exclusively offline showed highest scores in Conscientiousness and lowest scores in Neuroticism compared the “newsfeeds only” and the “newsfeeds and online” groups. However, less than 5% of the participants exclusively consumed news via newsfeeds of social networking sites. Participants who stated that they would not vote reported the lowest number of different news sources consumed.

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samantha Stanley ◽  
Taciano L Milfont ◽  
Marc Wilson ◽  
Chris G Sibley

Social dominance orientation (SDO) and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) are ideological attitudes that predict lower concern for the environment and less willingness to act on climate change. Research generally shows that SDO and RWA exhibit moderate, negative relationships with environmentalism. We examine the longitudinal influence of SDO and RWA on people’s willingness to change their behaviour to benefit the environment in a national probability sample over five years. We show that both ideological attitudes relate to lower environmentalism across time and that the SDO effect was stronger than the RWA effect, yet the association from environmentalism to later endorsement of SDO is stronger than the reverse. Interestingly, these findings suggest that the more likely temporal association flows from environmentalism to SDO.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angelo Fasce ◽  
Diego Avendaño

Civil liberties and rights such as freedom of expression, press, thought, religion, association, lifestyle, and equality against the law are being subjected to fierce controversies within the socio-political landscape of Western developed countries. Based on a literature review, we develop two working hypotheses aimed at explaining divergent attitudes toward civil liberties among politically charged online communities on each side of the political spectrum. First, a “libertarian attitude” among rightist groups, in which economic conservatism suppresses the illiberal tendencies of social conservatism and right-wing authoritarianism. Second, a “illiberal attitude” among leftist groups, elicited by the rise of authoritarian forms of social justice-seeking within some influential left-wing ideologies. We report a correlational study using a cross-sectional sample (n = 902), whose results support both hypotheses. Lastly, we discuss these results in relation to polarization over civil liberties and perceived power imbalances between conservatives and liberals.


Author(s):  
Emma Onraet ◽  
Alain Van Hiel ◽  
Barbara Valcke ◽  
Jasper Van Assche

Abstract The present study conducted in the Netherlands examines citizen's attitudes towards asylum seekers. We collected data in a large (N = 993) heterogeneous adult sample in November 2015, in the midst of the European “refugee crisis”. Our first aim was to map the reactions of citizens towards asylum seekers. Our second aim was to examine the role of right-wing ideological attitudes (i.e., Right-Wing Authoritarianism and Social Dominance Orientation) in explaining these reactions. With respect to the first research aim, it was revealed that, on average, our respondents were rather unwilling to help asylum seekers. Moreover, respondents were more welcoming towards legitimate asylum seekers (who are on the run from war and violence in their home country) compared to economic asylum seekers. With respect to the second research aim, we found that right-wing attitudes were related to stronger negative reactions towards asylum seekers. Moreover, individuals higher on right-wing ideological attitudes were more likely to perceive asylum seekers as being economic asylum seekers and less as legitimate asylum seekers, which related to stronger feelings of threat and ultimately, to more negative reactions towards asylum seekers.


2010 ◽  
Vol 24 (6) ◽  
pp. 515-534 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chris G. Sibley ◽  
Jessica F. Harding ◽  
Ryan Perry ◽  
Frank Asbrock ◽  
John Duckitt

We modelled the associations between the HEXACO dimensions of personality, Social Dominance Orientation (SDO), Right–Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) and prejudice towards dangerous, derogated and dissident groups ( N = 454 undergraduates). Consistent with a Big–Five model, low Openness to Experience predicted RWA and therefore dangerous and dissident group prejudice. As predicted, low Emotionality (and Openness) rather than Agreeableness predicted SDO and therefore derogated and dissident group prejudice. Comparison with meta–analytic averages of Big–Five data supported expected similarities and differences in the association of Big–Five and HEXACO models of personality with ideology. Finally, Honesty–Humility simultaneously predicted increases in RWA but decreases in SDO, and thus opposing effects on prejudice. These opposing effects have gone unidentified in research employing Big–Five models of personality structure. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.


2010 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 106-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francesca Dallago ◽  
Michele Roccato

Using structural equations modelling, we performed a secondary analysis of the data collected by the Italian Observatory of the North West (Italian national sample, N = 976) to investigate the direct, mediated and moderated relations connecting the Big Five personality factors and perceived personal and societal threat to safety with right‐wing authoritarianism (RWA). Openness, Conscientiousness and perceived societal threat to safety exerted additive effects on RWA; the relation between Openness and RWA was partially mediated by societal threat to safety and that between societal threat to safety and RWA was moderated by Openness. Limitations and possible developments of this research are discussed. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.


2004 ◽  
Vol 18 (6) ◽  
pp. 463-482 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bo Ekehammar ◽  
Nazar Akrami ◽  
Magnus Gylje ◽  
Ingrid Zakrisson

Whereas previous research has studied the relation of either (i) personality with prejudice, (ii) personality with social dominance orientation (SDO) and right‐wing authoritarianism (RWA), or (iii) SDO and RWA with prejudice, the present research integrates all approaches within the same model. In our study (N = 183), various causal models of the relationships among the Big Five, SDO, RWA, and Generalized Prejudice are proposed and tested. Generalized Prejudice scores were obtained from a factor analysis of the scores on various prejudice instruments (racism, sexism, prejudice toward homosexuals, and mentally disabled people), which yielded a one‐factor solution. The best‐fitting causal model, which was our suggested hypothetical model, showed that Big Five personality had no direct effect on Generalized Prejudice but an indirect effect transmitted through RWA and SDO, where RWA seems to capture personality aspects to a greater extent than SDO. Specifically, Generalized Prejudice was affected indirectly by Extraversion, Openness to Experience, and Conscientiousness through RWA, and by Agreeableness through SDO, whereas Neuroticism had no effect at all. The results are discussed against the background of previous research and the personality and social psychology approaches to the study of prejudice. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 550-567
Author(s):  
John R. Kerr ◽  
Marc S. Wilson

Previous research has highlighted how ideological factors such as political self-identification, religiosity and conspiracy thinking influence our beliefs about scientific issues such as climate change and vaccination. Across three studies (combined N = 9,022) we expand on this line of inquiry to show for the first time that the ideological attitudes relating to authoritarianism and group-based dominance predict disagreement with the scientific consensus in several scientific domains. We show these effects are almost entirely mediated by varying combinations of ideological (political ideology, religiosity, free-market endorsement, conspiracy thinking) and science-specific (scientific knowledge, trust in scientists) constructs, depending on the scientific issue in question. Importantly, a general distrust of science and scientists emerges as the most consistent mediator across different scientific domains. We find that, consistent with previous research, the ideological roots of rejection of science vary across scientific issues. However, we also show that these roots may share a common origin in ideological attitudes regarding authority and equality.


2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 366-384 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Cichocka ◽  
Kristof Dhont ◽  
Arti P. Makwana ◽  
Mitja Back

Previous research has obtained mixed findings as to whether feelings of self–worth are positively or negatively related to right–wing ideological beliefs and prejudice. We propose to clarify the link between self–worth and ideology by distinguishing between narcissistic and non–narcissistic self–evaluations as well as between different dimensions of ideological attitudes. Four studies, conducted in three different socio–political contexts: the UK (Study 1, N = 422), the US (Studies 2 and 3, Ns = 471 and 289, respectively), and Poland (Study 4, N = 775), investigated the associations between narcissistic and non–narcissistic self–evaluations, social dominance orientation (SDO), right–wing authoritarianism (RWA), and ethnic prejudice. Confirming our hypotheses, the results consistently showed that after controlling for self–esteem, narcissistic self–evaluation was positively associated with SDO (accounting for RWA), yet negatively associated with RWA (accounting for SDO). These associations were similar after controlling for psychopathy and Machiavellianism (Study 3) as well as collective narcissism and Big Five personality characteristics (Study 4). Studies 2–4 additionally demonstrated that narcissistic self–evaluation was indirectly positively associated with prejudice through higher SDO (free of RWA) but indirectly negatively associated with prejudice through lower RWA (free of SDO). Implications for understanding the role of self–evaluation in right–wing ideological attitudes and prejudice are discussed. Copyright © 2017 The Authors. European Journal of Personality published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of European Association of Personality Psychology


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 156-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Viktoria Gallova ◽  
Marek Palasinski ◽  
Neil Shortland ◽  
Michael Humann ◽  
Lorraine Bowman Grieve

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to determine the potential predictors of anxiety about digital security, terrorist threats and support for high-tech counter measures.Design/methodology/approachIn Study 1, 195 participants indicated their anxiety about digital security systems, data protection and social networking sites. In Study 2, 107 participants indicated their anxiety about domestic terrorism, international terrorism and extremist groups. In Study 3, 261 participants indicated their support for high-tech counter-terrorism measures.FindingsStudy 1 suggests that whereas anxiety about digital security systems, data protection and social networking sites was positively predicted by right-wing authoritarianism, anxiety about social networking was also negatively predicted by time spent online. Study 2 shows that time spent online was a negative predictor of anxiety about domestic terrorism. Study 3 indicates that the strongest positive predictor of support for all the measures was right-wing authoritarianism, followed by national identity.Research limitations/implicationsThe findings show the relevance of terror management theory to digital security and counter-terrorism.Practical implicationsIt appears that right-wing authoritarianism and national identity may serve as mechanisms for people to subjectively counter the presented threats. This notion may inform relevant policy and practice aimed at making communities safer and potentially helps introduce counter-terror measures with less public backlash.Social implicationsWhen designing counter-terror measures, policy makers should consider compound national identities (e.g. Catalan or Basque people).Originality/valueThe paper makes contribution to under-explored areas of terrorism anxiety and support for counter-terror measures.


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