scholarly journals Global Capital, the State, and Chinese Workers: The Foxconn Experience

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pun Ngai ◽  
Jenny Chan

In 2010, a startling 18 young migrant workers attempted suicide at Foxconn Technology Group production facilities in China. This article looks into the development of the Foxconn Corporation to understand the advent of capital expansion and its impact on frontline workers’ lives in China. It also provides an account of how the state facilitates Foxconn’s production expansion as a form of monopoly capital. Foxconn stands out as a new phenomenon of capital expansion because of the incomparable speed and scale of its capital accumulation in all regions of China. This article explores how the workers at Foxconn, the world’s largest electronics manufacturer, have been subjected to work pressure and desperation that might lead to suicides on the one hand but also open up daily and collective resistance on the other hand.

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 261
Author(s):  
Af Sigit Rochadi

This research discusses racism, capitalism, and anti-Chinese among Indonesian workers. According to numerous preliminary studies in Western Europe, competition and prejudice drive racism and xenophobia. However, no research has been carried out on the historical relationship between immigrants and Indonesians in forming the capitalism process. Therefore, this qualitative research revealed these historical relationships and found that racism did not affect migrant workers other than Chinese. The study also found that racism was institutionalized through capitalism formation by the state during the colonial period. The Dutch colonialists applied racism in politics by placing Chinese workers as the intermediary, and foreman, thereby leading to the rise of class and racial conflicts. When colonialism collapsed, state officials required that the Chinese become an economic elite and needed capital support to do so. The result showed the harmonious relations between Chinese businessmen and state officials on the one hand and tensions between the state and workers on the other regarding racism and anti-China in Indonesia. Furthermore, over the past decade, identity politics has strengthened in Indonesia with open resistance to Chinese workers.


2001 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 180-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Trudie Coker

The contradictory goals of state capital accumulation and redistribution eventually led to the demise of corporatism in Venezuela and probably in much of Latin America. When the Venezuelan state was at its zenith of intervention in the economy, it globalized accumulation via foreign debt. Rather than emphasize accumulation and redistribution as it had during the 1960s and 1970s, accumulation to service the debt became the state's central goal by the 1980s. Declining oil prices by the early 1980s highlighted the weakness of a state caught in the grips of antithetical demands from labor and an increasingly impoverished population, on the one hand, and private capital demanding debt repayment, on the other hand. By definition, corporatism creates a dependency between the state and organized labor. Historically, labor depended on the state for economic subsidies, and the state relied on labor to maintain legitimacy. By the late 1990s, lack of labor autonomy literally dragged labor down with a state drowning in debt and incapacitated by lack of legitimacy. While corporatism is more a relic of things past, the positive implications of increasing labor autonomy are dismal as organized labor has been disarticulated and the democratic state is all but a skeleton.


Author(s):  
Ivonaldo Leite

El artículo trata de la conexión entre relaciones de poder, sociedad, Estado y medio ambiente. Tiene como objetivo presentar el abordaje contrahegemónico de la cuestión ambiental desarrollada por los movimientos que, en diferentes países, constituyen lo que, en los últimos tiempos, ha sido denominado ecosocialismo. Para ello, metodológicamente, el artículo se apoya en dos premisas: una revisión bibliográfica y un análisis de documentos fundacionales (como manifiestos) del ecosocialismo. Entre los resultados alcanzados, pueden ser resaltados, por ejemplo, los siguientes: i) el ecosocialismo concibe al Estado como un campo de disputa; ii) los problemas ambientales se derivan, sobre todo, de la lógica capitalista de producción y acumulación; iii) la crisis ecológica no puede superarse en los marcos de la acumulación de capital; iv) la Educación Ambiental Ecosocialista propone romper con los esquemas de pensamiento tradicionales, así como llevar a cabo una batalla cultural para descolonizar el imaginario popular de fenómenos como el consumo de productos perjudiciales e inútiles. En forma de consideraciones conclusivas, se enfatiza, por ejemplo, una doble inferencia analítica: Por un lado, el ecosocialismo adecuadamente no rechaza al Estado como esfera de disputa hegemónica, y, por otro, su base teórica carece de más formulaciones en lo que se refiere a la transición hacia una nueva organización económica. O artigo trata da conexão entre relações de poder, sociedade, Estado e meio ambiente. Tem como objetivo apresentar a abordagem contra-hegemônica da questão ambiental desenvolvida pelos movimentos que, em diferentes países, constituem o que nos últimos tempos, tem sido denominado ecossocialismo. Para tanto, metodologicamente, o artigo apoia-se em dois pressupostos: uma revisão bibliográfica e uma análise de documentos fundacionais (como manifestos) do ecossocialismo. Dentre os resultados alcançados, podem ser realçados, por exemplo, os seguintes: i) o ecossocialismo concebe o Estado como um campo de disputa; ii) os problemas ambientais resultam, sobretudo, da lógica capitalista de produção e acumulação; iii) a crise ecológica não pode ser superada nos marcos da acumulação de capital; iv) a Educação Ambiental Ecossocialista propõe romper com os esquemas de pensamento tradicionais, bem como levar a cabo uma batalha cultural para descolonizar o imaginário popular de fenômenos como o consumo de produtos prejudiciais e inúteis. Em forma de considerações conclusivas, enfatiza-se, por exemplo, uma dupla inferência analítica: Por um lado, o ecossocialismo adequadamente não recusa o Estado como esfera de disputa hegemônica, e, por outro, a sua base teórica carece de mais formulações no que diz respeito a transição para uma nova organização econômica. The article focuses on the connection among relations of power, society, State and the environment. It aims to present the counter-hegemonic approach to the environmental issue developed by the movements that, in different countries, constitute what, in recent times, has been called ecosocialism. To achieve this, the article is based on two presuppositions: a bibliographical review and an analysis of foundational documents (like manifestos) of ecosocialism. Some of the results found out are as follows: 1) ecosocialism conceives the State as a field of political dispute; 2) the environmental problems result mainly from the capitalist logic of production and accumulation; 3) the ecological crisis cannot be overcome within the framework of capital accumulation; 4) the Ecosocialist Environmental Education proposes to break with traditional thinking schemes, as well as carry out a cultural battle to decolonize the popular imaginary of phenomena such as the consumption of harmful and useless products. In conclusive way, it’s emphasized, for example, a double analytical inference: On the one hand, correctly, ecosocialism does not reject the State as a sphere of hegemonic dispute, and, on the other hand, its theoretical basis needs more formulations regarding the transition to a new economic organization. Keywords: Environment, ecological crisis, ecosocialism, environmental education.


Modern China ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 383-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pun Ngai ◽  
Jenny Chan

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-2) ◽  
pp. 86-98
Author(s):  
Ivan Popov

The paper deals with the organization and decisions of the conference of the Minister-Presidents of German lands in Munich on June 6-7, 1947, which became the one and only meeting of the heads of the state governments of the western and eastern occupation zones before the division of Germany. The conference was the first experience of national positioning of the regional elite and clearly demonstrated that by the middle of 1947, not only between the allies, but also among German politicians, the incompatibility of perspectives of further constitutional development was existent and all the basic conditions for the division of Germany became ripe. Munich was the last significant demonstration of this disunity and the moment of the final turn towards the three-zone orientation of the West German elite.


Author(s):  
Jong Hak Lee ◽  
Jong Eun Kim ◽  
Chang Su Park ◽  
Nam Il Kim ◽  
Jang Won Moon ◽  
...  

Abstract In this work, a slightly unetched gate hard mask failure was analyzed by nano probing. Although unetched hard mask failures are commonly detected from the cross sectional view with FIB or FIB-TEM and planar view with the voltage contrast, in this case of the very slightly unetched hard mask, it was difficult to find the defects within the failed area by physical analysis methods. FIB is useful due to its function of milling and checking from the one region to another region within the suspected area, but the defect, located under contact was very tiny. So, it could not be detected in the tilted-view of the FIB. However, the state of the failure could be understood from the electrical analysis using a nano probe due to its ability to probe contact nodes across the fail area. Among the transistors in the fail area, one transistor’s characteristics showed higher leakage current and lower ON current than expected. After physical analysis, slightly remained hard mask was detected by TEM. Chemical processing was followed to determine the gate electrode (WSi2) connection to tungsten contact. It was also proven that when gate is floated, more leakage current flows compared to the state that the zero voltage is applied to the gate. This was not verified by circuit simulation due to the floating nodes.


2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 34-66
Author(s):  
Joyce Valdovinos

The provision of water services has traditionally been considered a responsibility of the state. During the late 1980s, the private sector emerged as a key actor in the provision of public services. Mexico City was no exception to this trend and public authorities awarded service contracts to four private consortia in 1993. Through consideration of this case study, two main questions arise: First, why do public authorities establish partnerships with the private sector? Second, what are the implications of these partnerships for water governance? This article focuses, on the one hand, on the conceptual debate of water as a public and/or private good, while identifying new trends and strategies carried out by private operators. On the other hand, it analyzes the role of the state and its relationships with other actors through a governance model characterized by partnerships and multilevel networks.Spanish La provisión del servicio del agua ha sido tradicionalmente considerada como una responsabilidad del Estado. A finales de la década de 1980, el sector privado emerge como un actor clave en el suministro de servicios públicos. La ciudad de México no escapa a esta tendencia y en 1993 las autoridades públicas firman contratos de servicios con cuatro consorcios privados. A través de este estudio de caso, dos preguntas son planteadas: ¿Por qué las autoridades públicas establecen partenariados con el sector privado? ¿Cuáles son las implicaciones de dichos partenariados en la gobernanza del agua? Este artículo aborda por una parte, el debate conceptual del agua como bien público y/o privado, identificando nuevas tendencias y estrategias de los operadores privados. Por otra parte, se analizan el rol y las relaciones del Estado con otros actores a través de un modelo de gobernanza, definido en términos de partenariados y redes multi-niveles.French Les services de l'eau ont été traditionnellement considérés comme une responsabilité de l'État. À la fin des années 1980, le secteur privé est apparu comme un acteur clé dans la fourniture de certains services publics. La ville de Mexico n'a pas échappé à cette tendance et en 1993, les autorités publiques ont signé des contrats de services avec quatre consortiums privés. À travers cette étude de cas, nous nous interrogerons sur deux aspects : pourquoi les autorités publiques établissentelles des partenariats avec le secteur privé ? Quelles sont les implications de ces partenariats sur la gouvernance de l'eau ? Cet article s'intéresse, d'une part, au débat conceptuel sur l'eau en tant que bien public et/ou privé, en identifiant les tendances nouvelles et les stratégies menées par les opérateurs privés. D'autre part y sont analysés le rôle de l'État et ses relations avec d'autres acteurs à travers un modèle de gouvernance, défini en termes de partenariats, et des réseaux multi-niveaux.


2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 67-74
Author(s):  
G. V. Yakshibaeva

The problem of providing the most efficient and rational selection, distribution, use of migrant workers, with regard to both internal and external migration in close relation to socio-economic and demographic interests of the state are currently of particular relevance. Scientific novelty of work consists in the identification of factors and directions of flows as departing and arriving labor migrants in the Republic of Bashkortostan, the characteristics of the development of labour migration and its impact on employment, which allowed to identify problems and negative trends.


Author(s):  
Peter Coss

In the introduction to his great work of 2005, Framing the Early Middle Ages, Chris Wickham urged not only the necessity of carefully framing our studies at the outset but also the importance of closely defining the words and concepts that we employ, the avoidance ‘cultural sollipsism’ wherever possible and the need to pay particular attention to continuities and discontinuities. Chris has, of course, followed these precepts on a vast scale. My aim in this chapter is a modest one. I aim to review the framing of thirteenth-century England in terms of two only of Chris’s themes: the aristocracy and the state—and even then primarily in terms of the relationship between the two. By the thirteenth century I mean a long thirteenth century stretching from the period of the Angevin reforms of the later twelfth century on the one hand to the early to mid-fourteenth on the other; the reasons for taking this span will, I hope, become clearer during the course of the chapter, but few would doubt that it has a validity.


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