A Look in the Mirror: How the Field of Behavior Analysis Can Become Anti-Racist

Sparked by recent events, discussions of systemic racism and racial inequalities have been pushed to the foreground of our global society, leading to what is being called the largest modern-day civil rights movement (Buchanan et al., 2020). In the past, Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC) activists and scholars, amongst others, have evaluated and critiqued systems and organizations within our society. Nonetheless, it was not until recently that this movement was truly noticed by a greater number of people, some of whom are now further assessing how BIPOC are viewed and treated within their organization and by society as a whole (Worland, 2020). This is not only due to the increase in video evidence (e.g., released body cam footage, social media postings), but also to the previous administration’s rhetoric and political agenda (Hubler & Bosman, 2021). Police departments, educational institutions, and large companies have, for decades, been under scrutiny for their systems and practices that promote racism, inequality, and inequity. The field of behavior analysis, with its Eurocentric roots and observed lack of diversity, equity, and inclusion, is not exempt from such evaluations. It is time that we take a look in the mirror and evaluate our own professional, research, educational, and clinical practices, and work towards creating a new, more inclusive, field of behavior analysis that promotes anti-racism and cultural humility.

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INSTITUTIONAL RACISM IN AMERICAN POST-CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT IN DEAR MARTIN BY NIC STONE (2017)

English Language and Literature ◽

10.24036/ell.v10i1.111249 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 10 (1) ◽

Author(s):

Afifah Indriani ◽

Delvi Wahyuni

Keyword(s):

African American ◽

Civil Rights ◽

Civil Rights Movement ◽

Social Relations ◽

Institutional Racism ◽

The Novel ◽

Systemic Racism ◽

Civil Rights Era ◽

Group Interest ◽

Post Civil Rights

This thesis is an analysis of a novel written by Nic Stone entitled Dear Martin (2017). It explores the issue of institutional racism in the post-civil rights era. The concept of systemic racism by Joe R.Feagin is employed to analyze this novel. This analysis focuses on four issues of systemic racism as seen through several African-American characters. This analysis also depends on the narrator to determine which parts of the novel are used as the data. The result of the study shows that African-American characters experience four forms of institutional racism which are The White Racial Frame and Its Embedded Racist Ideology, Alienated Social Relations, Racial Hierarchy with Divergent Group Interest, and Related Racial Domination: Discrimination in Many Aspects. In conclusion, in this post-civil rights movement era, African-Americans still face institutional racism.

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Binding consumption

SIGLO DIECINUEVE (Literatura hispánica) ◽

10.37677/sigloxix.vi21.68 ◽

2015 ◽

pp. 29-46

Author(s):

Alexander Joel Eastman

Keyword(s):

Civil Rights ◽

Civil Rights Movement ◽

Economic Value ◽

Black Press ◽

People Of Color ◽

Public Spheres ◽

The Public ◽

The People ◽

Economic Forces ◽

History Of

Dozens of newspapers written and edited by people of color flourished in the last decades of the nineteenth century in Cuba. Through an analysis of black press periodicals representative of the main political tendencies between 1879 and 1886 this article examines the economic and socio-political contexts in which the black press operated and demonstrates how Cubans of color successfully carved out a space in the market of newspaper consumption. By examining the economic forces determining circulation and readership of these periodicals, it argues that black Cubans actively negotiated the public spheres of journalism and the marketplace, becoming empowered consumers and creators of information and economic value. This article foreground debates within the black press in order to analyze the history of the Cuban civil rights movement through the perspectives of people of color and to destabilize the notion of black political homogeneity. Black journalists and leaders with national and royalist affiliations vied for political positioning and debated over how to represent the people and the struggles of the raza de color.

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Minimizing and addressing microaggressions in the workplace: Be proactive, part 2

College & Research Libraries News ◽

10.5860/crln.79.10.538 ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 79 (10) ◽

pp. 538 ◽

Cited By ~ 2

Author(s):

Shamika Dalton ◽

Michele Villagran

Keyword(s):

Civil Rights ◽

Civil Rights Movement ◽

Work Productivity ◽

The United States ◽

People Of Color ◽

History Plays ◽

Same Sex ◽

Underrepresented Groups ◽

Same Sex Couples ◽

Movement Discrimination

Our nation’s history plays a huge role in the way we perceive underrepresented groups. From slavery to segregation, to the inequality in compensation for women and people of color, to the refusal to wed same sex couples, discrimination and opposition has plagued the United States for decades. Since the Civil Rights Movement, discrimination towards underrepresented groups has shifted from overt acts to subtle and semiconscious manifestations called microaggressions. These manifestations reside in well-intentioned individuals who are often unaware of their biased beliefs, attitudes, and actions. They can lead to inequities within our relationships and affect our work productivity.

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“This backdrop of entrenched inequality”

Still a House Divided ◽

10.23943/princeton/9780691142630.003.0004 ◽

2011 ◽

Author(s):

Desmond S. King ◽

Rogers M. Smith

Keyword(s):

Affirmative Action ◽

Civil Rights ◽

Racial Discrimination ◽

Civil Rights Movement ◽

Racial Equality ◽

Employment Policy ◽

Racial Inequalities ◽

Sort It ◽

American Life ◽

Racial Policy

This chapter illustrates the conflicting approaches advanced by today's racial alliances on issues of race equality in the workplace, as on so many other topics—conflicts that include disagreements not only over formal affirmative action programs but also over the legitimacy of race-conscious policymaking of any sort. It is no accident when these issues emerge with particular intensity in employment policy. No area of American life is more central to the quest to eradicate unjust material racial inequalities. This is why, as the chapter shows, previous struggles on racial equality focused so strongly on equality in the workplace. While such actions were hailed by many veterans of the civil rights movement as necessary, color-blind proponents came to assail these as new forms of unjust racial discrimination. Contestation over these policies became the central “battleground” around which modern racial policy coalitions formed.

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The Suppression of Diversity

Ethnic Studies Review ◽

10.1525/esr.2003.26.2.27 ◽

2003 ◽

Vol 26 (2) ◽

pp. 27-48

Author(s):

Adrian J. Lottie ◽

Phyllis A. Clemens Noda

Keyword(s):

Affirmative Action ◽

Civil Rights ◽

Civil Rights Movement ◽

People Of Color ◽

Multiple Sources ◽

National Unity ◽

English Only ◽

Cultural Legacy ◽

Civil Rights Movements ◽

The Rich

Is it a systematic strategy or a mutation of millennial ferver that drives the escalating challenges to the civil rights of this nation's racial, linguistic, and national origin minorities? Increasing juridical, legislative, and popular assaults on affirmative action policies coupled with the sometimes less heralded emergence of a de facto U.S. language policy are sweeping through the states. These activities draw on a consistent repertoire of approaches from the invocation of the very language and concepts of the civil rights movement to the isolationist “buzz-words” of early twentieth century advocates of “Americanization.” In an effort to legitimize their efforts this new breed of assailants has lifted the terms “equality of opportunity,” “color blind,” and “merit” directly from the lips of civil rights heroes of the past, retrofitting concepts that resonate from the very core of the civil rights movement into an arsenal of weapons that threaten the extinction of that movement. In that same vein opponents of bilingual education have reached further back into our history dredging up de-contextualized quotations from icons of American history to evoke nostalgia and patriotism and to resuscitate the fear of the dissolution of national unity in the wake of the infusion of diverse languages and cultures. The introductory portion of this article treats the failure of anti-civil rights movements to acknowledge either the rich cultural legacy of people of color or the deeply engrained cultural and political limitations that this nation has imposed on their civil rights. We discuss the re-packaged language of equality and equity used by these movements and their success and attempts at success in reversing the progress of civil rights at the polls and in legislatures across the nation. We next examine the anti-affirmative action and anti-bilingual movements sweeping the U.S. today, analyzing qualitative and quantitative data from multiple sources including data from the the 2000 U.S. Census to track current anti-affirmative action and anti-bilingual/English only developments among the states to demonstrate the coexistence of these developments in those areas where people of color are concentrated.

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From protests to practice: Confronting systemic racism in LIS

Education for Information ◽

10.3233/efi-211509 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 1-14

Author(s):

Renate L. Chancellor ◽

Paige DeLoach ◽

Anthony Dunbar ◽

Shari Lee ◽

Rajesh Singh

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Civil Rights ◽

Civil Rights Movement ◽

The United States ◽

Police Brutality ◽

Systemic Racism ◽

National Response ◽

Real Change ◽

History Of ◽

The 1960S

The death of George Floyd, at the hands of the Minnesota police on May 25, 2020, sparked a global uproar that many have argued has not occurred since the Civil Rights movement of the 1960s. It is unclear why this particular incident elicited such a visceral and widespread response, especially in light of the fact that police brutality towards Blacks in America is not a new phenomenon. This paper examines the national response to Floyd’s death within the contexts of CRT, the history of systemic racism in the United States, and questions how race and inequity issues have been addressed in LIS. The authors provide actionable measures that could go a long way in moving the discipline toward a shift in thinking. However, they find that these efforts need to be sustained, because one-shot events, training sessions, or activities rarely result in any real change. Real progress, they conclude, will require more than new laws. It will also require a seismic societal shift in attitude.

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A Seedbed of Activism

Shelter in a Time of Storm ◽

10.5149/northcarolina/9781469648330.003.0002 ◽

2019 ◽

pp. 18-48

Author(s):

Jelani M. Favors

Keyword(s):

Civil Rights ◽

Civil Rights Movement ◽

Critical Role ◽

Early Years ◽

Black College ◽

Educational Institutions ◽

State University ◽

Abolitionist Movement ◽

Key Players ◽

History Of

This chapter discusses the history of the first black college established – The Institute for Colored Youth (ICY). The ICY would later be renamed Cheyney State University. Founded in 1837, the ICY became a critical staging ground for both the abolitionist movement and the early civil rights movement. With key players such as Ebenezer Bassett, Octavius Catto, and Fanny Jackson Coppin leading the school, the ICY set the template for how black educational institutions would create a pedagogy and praxis that encouraged and radicalized generations of youth to serve their communities as agents for change. Tragically, the most pivotal event of the school’s early years was the assassination of its beloved teacher and alum Octavius Catto in 1871 who was murdered in the streets of Philadelphia after playing a critical role in organizing support for the 15th amendment.

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The Problems and Paradoxes of Race

Strangers No More ◽

10.23943/princeton/9780691161075.003.0005 ◽

2015 ◽

Author(s):

Richard Alba ◽

Nancy Foner

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Civil Rights ◽

Civil Rights Movement ◽

Western Europe ◽

African Ancestry ◽

Black Population ◽

The United States ◽

People Of Color ◽

The Caribbean ◽

The 1960S

This chapter focuses on race, with a stress on the special position of the United States. While color-coded race is a source of stigma in Canada and Western Europe, it is a more severe barrier in the United States, especially for immigrants of African ancestry and their children, owing to the legacy of slavery, legal segregation, and ghettoization. Yet, the paradox of racial dynamics in the United States is that they have also had some positive consequences for immigrants there, who are overwhelmingly people of color from Latin America, Asia, and the Caribbean. Ultimately, the heritage of the U.S. civil rights movement and legislation of the 1960s as well as the sheer presence and size of the native black population have provided immigrants in the United States with certain advantages that they lack in Europe and Canada.

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The Movement Continues

Southern White Ministers and the Civil Rights Movement ◽

10.14325/mississippi/9781496817525.003.0005 ◽

2018 ◽

pp. 108-143

Author(s):

Elaine Allen Lechtreck

Keyword(s):

North Carolina ◽

African Americans ◽

Civil Rights ◽

Civil Rights Movement ◽

Voting Rights ◽

Educational Institutions ◽

University Of North Carolina ◽

Chapel Hill ◽

The University ◽

Open Housing

This chapter depicts the continuing non-violent Civil Rights Movement and the continuous efforts of southern white ministers. In Washington, D.C., Randolph Taylor opened his church doors to participants in the March on Washington. In Chapel Hill, demonstrations led by Charles Jones, Clarence Parker, Robert Seymour and students from the University of North Carolina challenged restaurants and businesses that refused to serve and admit African Americans. In Louisville Thomas Moffett, Gilbert Schroerlucke, George Edwards, Grayson Tucker, and Bishop Charles Marmion marched and demonstrated for open housing. Demonstrations in Selma focused on voting rights, not an issue in Chapel Hill or Louisville, but in Selma, where brutality and murder occurred, it was dangerous to protest for anything. Both Chapel Hill and Louisville were locations of major educational institutions, which guaranteed the presence of liberal minded white sympathizers, but hundreds of outside sympathizers arrived in Selma to help demonstrate for voting rights.

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