scholarly journals Los Angeles language schools and competing Chinese nationalisms

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Calvin N. Ho
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Los Angeles ◽  
Resource Dependence ◽  
Ethnographic Study ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Government ◽  
Language Schools ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Relationship

The relationship between homeland states and their diasporic subjects abroad has been a subject of social scientific inquiry on both sides of the Atlantic (Dufoix 2008; Smith 2003). Scholars from various disciplinary perspectives have put forth theories of why homeland states engage with emigrant or coethnic populations, and why these populations seek to engage with the government of their homeland. What is missing in the literature is a theory of how such homeland-diaspora relationships come into being and how they change over time. Understanding the development of homeland-diaspora relationships is crucial for making sense of migrant transnationalism and of state sovereignty in a globalized era. This study addresses this gap in the literature through a historical and ethnographic study of the relationship between the Republic of China (ROC) and Chinese language schools in Los Angeles. The case of the ROC and the Chinese diaspora is an illuminating case because the anomalous nature of the ROC’s political status calls into question many of the main assumptions in the existing literature. In particular, it challenges the assumption that each diaspora corresponds to a sole, legitimated homeland state. In the Chinese case, the geopolitical divisions at the end of the Chinese Civil War resulted in two states: the People’s Republic of China (PRC) on the Chinese mainland and the ROC on the island of Taiwan. While the communist PRC was not geopolitically legitimate in the West during the early part of the Cold War, widespread recognition of the PRC in the 1970s has left the ROC’s statehood claim in a liminal state. For the diaspora, this has resulted in two potential homeland states. The ROC’s de-legitimated claim to statehood has left it dependent on diaspora political support just as demographic shifts and transformations in the US social and political environment made it easier for the diaspora to support the PRC. I argue that the balance of power between the ROC diaspora bureau and the language schools have transformed since the Cold War as a result of domestic and geopolitical changes. The key factor shaping this relationship is the presence of the PRC and its changing geopolitical role since the 1980s. My explanation bridges theories of migrant transnationalism with theories of resource dependence among hierarchically linked organizations. This study contributes to the literatures on immigration, nationalism, and ethnicity, but also to broader literatures on borders and the reach of the state.

Making It Count

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arunabh Ghosh
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Statistical Data ◽  
New Technology ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Great Leap Forward ◽  
History Of ◽  
History Of Statistics ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Great Leap Forward

In 1949, at the end of a long period of wars, one of the biggest challenges facing leaders of the new People's Republic of China was how much they did not know. The government of one of the world's largest nations was committed to fundamentally reengineering its society and economy via socialist planning while having almost no reliable statistical data about their own country. This book is the history of efforts to resolve this “crisis in counting.” The book explores the choices made by political leaders, statisticians, academics, statistical workers, and even literary figures in attempts to know the nation through numbers. It shows that early reliance on Soviet-inspired methods of exhaustive enumeration became increasingly untenable in China by the mid-1950s. Unprecedented and unexpected exchanges with Indian statisticians followed, as the Chinese sought to learn about the then-exciting new technology of random sampling. These developments were overtaken by the tumult of the Great Leap Forward (1958–1961), when probabilistic and exhaustive methods were rejected and statistics was refashioned into an ethnographic enterprise. By acknowledging Soviet and Indian influences, the book not only revises existing models of Cold War science but also globalizes wider developments in the history of statistics and data. Anchored in debates about statistics and its relationship to state building, the book offers fresh perspectives on China's transition to socialism.

New ''Cold War''

2020 ◽  
pp. 27-34
Author(s):  
Vladimir Batiuk
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Nuclear Weapons ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Arms Race ◽  
Ideological Struggle ◽  
Nuclear Arms Race ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Nuclear Arms

In this article, the ''Cold War'' is understood as a situation where the relationship between the leading States is determined by ideological confrontation and, at the same time, the presence of nuclear weapons precludes the development of this confrontation into a large-scale armed conflict. Such a situation has developed in the years 1945–1989, during the first Cold War. We see that something similar is repeated in our time-with all the new nuances in the ideological struggle and in the nuclear arms race.

Truth to Power

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
Policy Issue ◽  
International Terrorism ◽  
Intelligence Community ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
Intelligence Support ◽  
The Cold War

This first-ever history of the US National Intelligence Council (NIC) is told through the reflections of its eight chairs in the period from the end of the Cold War until 2017. Coeditors Robert Hutchings and Gregory Treverton add a substantial introduction placing the NIC in its historical context going all the way back to the Board of National Estimates in the 1940s, as well as a concluding chapter that highlights key themes and judgments. The historic mission of this remarkable but little-understood organization is strategic intelligence assessment in service of senior American foreign policymakers. It has been at the center of every critical foreign policy issue during the period covered by this volume: helping shape America’s post–Cold War strategies, confronting sectarian conflicts around the world, meeting the new challenge of international terrorism, and now assessing the radical restructuring of the global order. Each chapter places its particular period of the NIC’s history in context (the global situation, the administration, the intelligence community) and assesses the most important issues with which the NIC grappled during the period, acknowledging failures as well as claiming successes. With the creation of the director of national intelligence in 2005, the NIC’s mission mushroomed to include direct intelligence support to the main policymaking committees in the government. The mission shift took the NIC directly into the thick of the action but may have come at the expense of weakening its historic role of providing over-the horizon strategic analysis.

John Leighton Stuart and U.S.-Chinese Communist Rapprochement in 1949: Was There Another “Lost Chance in China”?

1982 ◽  
Vol 89 ◽  
pp. 74-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yu-ming Shaw
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Mao Zedong ◽  
Working Relationship ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Many ◽  
The One ◽  
June July ◽  
The Cold War

Reverend John Leighton Stuart (1876–1962) served as U.S. ambassador to China from July 1946 until August 1949. In the many discussions of his ambassadorship the one diplomatic mission that has aroused the most speculation and debate was his abortive trip to Beijing, contemplated in June–July 1949, to meet with Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai. Some students of Sino-American relations have claimed that had this trip been made the misunderstanding and subsequent hostility between the United States and the People's Republic of China in the post-1949 period could have been avoided; therefore, the unmaking of this trip constituted another “lost chance in China” in establishing a working relationship between the two countries. But others have thought that given the realities of the Cold War in 1949 and the internal political constraints existing in each country, no substantial result could have been gained from such a trip. Therefore, the thesis of a “lost chance in China” was more an unfounded speculation than a credible affirmation.

Costa Rica in 1948: Cold War or Local War?

1996 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 465-493 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcia Olander
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Costa Rica ◽  
Critical Role ◽  
Costa Rican ◽  
Panama Canal Zone ◽  
First Case ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The U.S

The years following World War Two produced a strong resurgence of U.S. intervention in Central America and the Caribbean couched in Cold War terms. Although the U.S. intervention in Guatemala to overthrow the government of Jacobo Arbenz in 1954 has generally been seen as the first case of Cold War covert anti-Communist intervention in Latin America, several scholars have raised questions about U.S. involvement in a 1948 Costa Rican civil war in which Communism played a critical role. In a 1993 article in The Americas, Kyle Longley argued that “the U.S. response to the Costa Rican Revolution of 1948, not the Guatemalan affair, marked the origins of the Cold War in Latin America.” The U.S. “actively interfered,” and achieved “comparable results in Costa Rica as in Guatemala: the removal of a perceived Communist threat.” Other authors have argued, even, that the U.S. had prepared an invasion force in the Panama Canal Zone to pacify the country. The fifty years of Cold War anti-Communism entitles one to be skeptical of U.S. non-intervention in a Central American conflict involving Communism. Costa Ricans, aware of a long tradition of U.S. intervention in the region, also assumed that the U.S. would intervene. Most, if not all, were expecting intervention and one key government figure described U.S. pressure as like “the air, which is felt, even if it cannot be seen.” Yet, historians must do more than just “feel” intervention. Subsequent Cold War intervention may make it difficult to appraise the 1948 events in Costa Rica objectively. Statements like Longley's that “it is hard to believe that in early 1948 … Washington would not favor policies that ensured the removal of the [Communist Party] Vanguard,” although logical, do not coincide with the facts of the U.S. role in the conflict.

“Friendship First”: China's Sports Diplomacy during the Cold War

2003 ◽  
Vol 12 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 133-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guanhua Wang
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
The United States ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Sports Diplomacy ◽  
Sports Policy ◽  
Ping Pong ◽  
Comprehensive Examination ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Ideal

AbstractThe Cold War was an era of ideological conflict and hostility between socialist and capitalist countries. In this period of intense political animosity, the People's Republic of China (PRC) advocated the ideal of .friendship first. in sport. While the so-called .ping-pong diplomacy. of 1971 is well known because it contributed to détente between the PRC and the United States,1 there has been no comprehensive examination of China's Cold War sports policy as a whole. This study addresses this gap.

scholarly journals An Ecological Discourse Analysis to the Chinese Slogans during the Major Economic Stages since the Foundation of PRC

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dali Ning
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Cultural Values ◽  
Policy Language ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Ecological Philosophy ◽  
The Government ◽  
Civic Practice ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Insight Into ◽  
Shed Light

Slogan has a sound mass base in China for thousands of years，functioning as guidelines for civic practice. Even today, Chinese slogans are often employed by the government to promote policies and socio-cultural values. This paper, adopting an ecolinguistic approach, explores the development of Chinese slogans during the four economic stages since the foundation of PRC (People’s Republic of China) to find out how slogans influence the relationship between men, and man and the ecosystem. It is discovered that Chinese slogans in the recent decades have experienced great changes in terms of discourse type, the beneficial degree of discourse and the ecosophy they carry. They changed gradually from destructive discourse to harmonious discourse and they reflect the transition of Chinese ecological philosophy—from ‘anthropocentrism’, ‘growthism’, and ‘classism’ to ‘harmonism’. It is hoped that this study can shed light on the eco-discourse analysis to policy language and will bring insight into its future creation.

“Suburban Warriors”: The Blue-Collar and Blue-Sky Communities of Southern California’s Aerospace Industry

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Layne Karafantis ◽  
Stuart W. Leslie
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Los Angeles ◽  
Aerospace Industry ◽  
Blue Collar ◽  
Corporate Planning ◽  
Left Behind ◽  
Aerospace Companies ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Suburban Landscape ◽  
Edge Cities

Los Angeles’s aerospace suburbs no longer have many aerospace companies or workers in them, but their legacy—a geographical division of labor, class, and race reflected in and reinforced by corporate planning—continues to shape the region’s suburban landscape. In the early 1960s, aerospace companies relocated their new divisions to the emerging edge cities of greater Los Angeles. Until the end of the Cold War, these “blue-sky” suburbs—white, white-collar, and with predominantly male workforces—reinterpreted the California dream for an upper-middle class who believed they had little in common with their blue-collar counterparts left behind in older working-class communities.

Overseas Chinese Commerce, Decolonization, and the Cold War in Southeast Asia

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason Lim
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Overseas Chinese ◽  
Economic Activities ◽  
Qing Empire ◽  
New Economic Policy ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Cold War

The term “overseas Chinese” refers to people who left the Qing Empire (and later on, the Republic of China or ROC) for a better life in Southeast Asia. Some of them arrived in Southeast Asia as merchants. They were either involved in retail or wholesale trade, or importing and exporting goods between the Qing Empire/ROC and Southeast Asia. With the decolonization of Southeast Asia from the end of World War II in 1945, overseas Chinese commerce was targeted by nationalists because the merchants were seen to have been working together with the colonial authorities and to have enriched themselves at the expense of locals. New nationalist regimes in Southeast Asia introduced anti-Chinese legislation in order to reduce the overseas Chinese presence in economic activities. Chinese merchants were banned from certain trades and trade monopolies were broken down. Several Southeast Asian states also attempted to assimilate the overseas Chinese by forcing them to adopt local-sounding names. However, the overseas Chinese continued to be dominant in the economies of Malaya (later Malaysia) and Singapore. Malaysia introduced the New Economic Policy (NEP), which has an anti-Chinese agenda, in 1970. The decolonization process also occurred during the Cold War, and Chinese merchants sought to continue trade with China at a time when governments in Southeast Asia were suspicious of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Attempts by merchants from Malaya and Singapore to trade with the PRC in 1956 were considered to have failed, as the PRC had other political concerns. By the time Singapore had gained independence in 1965, the door to investment and trade with the PRC was shut, and the Chinese in Southeast Asia turned their backs on China by taking on citizenship in their countries of residence.

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