Drivers of Indian Naval Expansion

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walter Ladwig

Traditionally the neglected ‘Cinderella’ service of the Indian armed forces, the Indian Navy is in the midst of a modernization programme that has attracted international concern from commentators who worry that this might pose a risk to stability in the Indian Ocean or presage a naval arms race in Asia. This chapter attempts to understand what is driving this uncharacteristic focus on the Navy, concentrating on developments in the 20-year period since the end of the Cold War (1991–2011). The analysis proceeds in two parts. The first section examines several different measures, including number of ships, aggregate tonnage, number of missile cells and budgetary allocation to understand the trajectory of the Indian Navy over the past 20 years. Section two examines three oft-cited justifications for naval expansion – defence against hostile maritime powers, the cultivation of power projection capability to further India’s political interests, and the protection of trade – in relation to the fleet’s actual platform acquisitions to determine their relative importance in driving naval development. The available data suggests that the primary mission driving naval modernization is sea-lane security, with the development of ‘softer’ aspects of power projection capability receiving some support, while the need to deter hostile maritime powers does little to explain India’s recent naval modernization. This focus on enhancing India’s ability to provide regional ‘public goods,’ such as sea-lane security and humanitarian response, strongly suggests that this growing naval strength can emerge as a net positive for the region.

Author(s):  
Alberto Sepúlveda Almarza

Resumen La monografía aborda los cambios de América Latina después del fin de la Guerra Fría. Se describe el cuadro existente en el pasado y se señalan algunas iniciativas y tendencias del presente, como la democratización y las labores de cooperación entre fuerzas armadas. Se analizan los casos de presencia de la política militar en Perú con Fujimori, Venezuela con Hugo Chávez, Bolivia con Evo Morales y la transición iniciada en Cuba por Raúl Castro. Palabras clave: Política militar, fuerzas armadas, democratización. Abstract This monograph tackles changes in Latin America after the end of the Cold War. It describes the past panorama and points out some present initiatives and trends such as democratization and cooperative actions among the armed forces. The text analyses cases of militarized politics in Peru with Fujimori, in Venezuela with Hugo Chávez, in Bolivia with Evo Morales and the Cuban transition started by Raúl Castro. Key words: militarized politics; armed forces; democratization Resumem A monografia aborda as mudanças de America Latina depois do fim da Guerra Fria. Descreve-se o quadro existente no passado e se sinalam algumas iniciativas e tendências do presente, como a democratização e as labores de cooperação entre forças armadas. Analisam-se os casos de presença da política militar em Peru com Fujimori, Venezuela com Hugo Chávez, Bolivia com Evo Morales e a transição iniciada em Cuba por Raúl Castro. Palavras chave: Política militar, forcas armadas, democratização


2014 ◽  
Vol 73 (2) ◽  
pp. 309-332
Author(s):  
Dierk Walter

Abstract More than many other armed conflicts of the modern era, the colonial wars/wars of empire fought by Western powers at the periphery of the world system over the past five centuries were defined by spatial categories. The problems of transoceanic or transcontinental power projection and the economic logic of the imperial system limited the military means employed on the periphery, making them often insufficient for the effective control of extended, inaccessible, and inhospitable spaces. Faced with an adversary capable of using these wide spaces to avoid decisive battle, the imperial military resorted to warfare against entire societies. Cognitively and mentally, Western armed forces experienced the periphery as an alien space, a space in which physical geography and human enemy seemed to be organically connected in opposing the invader. This perception of the peripheral space was not only partially responsible for atrocities, but could also result in warfare against nature itself.


Born in 1945, the United Nations (UN) came to life in the Arab world. It was there that the UN dealt with early diplomatic challenges that helped shape its institutions such as peacekeeping and political mediation. It was also there that the UN found itself trapped in, and sometimes part of, confounding geopolitical tensions in key international conflicts in the Cold War and post-Cold War periods, such as hostilities between Palestine and Iraq and between Libya and Syria. Much has changed over the past seven decades, but what has not changed is the central role played by the UN. This book's claim is that the UN is a constant site of struggle in the Arab world and equally that the Arab world serves as a location for the UN to define itself against the shifting politics of its age. Looking at the UN from the standpoint of the Arab world, this volume includes chapters on the potential and the problems of a UN that is framed by both the promises of its Charter and the contradictions of its member states.


Author(s):  
Alex J. Bellamy

Until recently, East Asia was a boiling pot of massacre and blood-letting. Yet, almost unnoticed by the wider world, it has achieved relative peace over the past three decades.1 At the height of the Cold War, East Asia accounted for around 80 percent of the world’s mass atrocities. By the second decade of the twenty-first century, it accounted for less than 5 percent....


Author(s):  
Filip Ejdus

During the cold war, the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia was a middle-sized power pursuing a non-aligned foreign policy and a defence strategy based on massive armed forces, obligatory conscription, and a doctrine of ‘Total National Defence’. The violent disintegration of Yugoslavia in the early 1990s resulted in the creation of several small states. Ever since, their defence policies and armed forces have been undergoing a thorough transformation. This chapter provides an analysis of the defence transformation of the two biggest post-Yugoslav states—Serbia and Croatia—since the end of the cold war. During the 1990s, defence transformation in both states was shaped by the undemocratic nature of their regimes and war. Ever since they started democratic transition in 2000, and in spite of their diverging foreign policies, both states have pivoted towards building modern, professional, interoperable, and democratically controlled armed forces capable of tackling both traditional and emerging threats.


Author(s):  
Fabrizio Coticchia

Since the end of the bipolar era, Italy has regularly undertaken military interventions around the world, with an average of 8,000 units employed abroad in the twenty-first century. Moreover, Italy is one of the principal contributors to the UN operations. The end of the cold war represented a turning point for Italian defence, allowing for greater military dynamism. Several reforms have been approved, while public opinion changed its view regarding the armed forces. This chapter aims to provide a comprehensive perspective of the process of transformation that occurred in post-cold-war Italian defence, looking at the evolution of national strategies, military doctrines, and the structure of forces. After a brief literature review, the study highlights the process of transformation of Italian defeshnce policy since 1989. Through primary and secondary sources, the chapter illustrates the main changes that occurred, the never-ending cold-war legacies, and key challenges.


The armed forces of Europe have undergone a dramatic transformation since the collapse of the Soviet Union. The Handbook of European Defence Policies and Armed Forces provides the first comprehensive analysis of national security and defence policies, strategies, doctrines, capabilities, and military operations, as well as the alliances and partnerships of European armed forces in response to the security challenges Europe has faced since the end of the cold war. A truly cross-European comparison of the evolution of national defence policies and armed forces remains a notable blind spot in the existing literature. This Handbook aims to fill this gap with fifty-one contributions on European defence and international security from around the world. The six parts focus on: country-based assessments of the evolution of the national defence policies of Europe’s major, medium, and lesser powers since the end of the cold war; the alliances and security partnerships developed by European states to cooperate in the provision of national security; the security challenges faced by European states and their armed forces, ranging from interstate through intra-state and transnational; the national security strategies and doctrines developed in response to these challenges; the military capabilities, and the underlying defence and technological industrial base, brought to bear to support national strategies and doctrines; and, finally, the national or multilateral military operations by European armed forces. The contributions to The Handbook collectively demonstrate the fruitfulness of giving analytical precedence back to the comparative study of national defence policies and armed forces across Europe.


Author(s):  
Mahesh K. Joshi ◽  
J.R. Klein

The fact that the influence of globalization has been driven by dramatic changes is not one of those “blinding flashes of the obvious” that seems to sneak up on us. It is very evident and even predictable. Advances in technology, markets, and environments were precursors to the big changes we are now talking about. Advances in technology have led to the current global grid driven by information. The primary mission of business is to provide solutions, and this technology explosion has provided opportunities and market applications for those solutions. Local businesses now have an opportunity to move beyond their restricted geography of the past into the global arena with the use of technology. A local store in a remote village in Kentucky has the same opportunity as a large store in London to access global customers. These could be exciting times for local businesses if they use technology to their advantage.


Author(s):  
Patricia Pelley

This chapter demonstrates how the process of decolonization and the ensuing separation of Vietnam into a northern and southern state as part of the Cold War in Asia led to different types of history-writing. In both Vietnamese regimes, the writing of history had to serve the state, and in both countries historians emphasized its political function. Whereas North Vietnam located itself in an East Asian and Marxist context, historians of South Vietnam positioned it within a Southeast Asian setting and took a determinedly anti-communist position. After 1986—over a decade after reunification—with past tensions now relaxed, the past could be revaluated more openly under a reformist Vietnamese government that now also permitted much greater interaction with foreign historians.


2020 ◽  
Vol 145 (2) ◽  
pp. 495-505
Author(s):  
EIRINI DIAMANTOULI

Ideologically motivated attempts to elucidate Shostakovich’s political views and to determine whether and how they may be coded into his compositions have come to characterize the Western reception of the composer’s works since his death in 1975. Fuelled by the political oppositions of the cold war, Shostakovich’s posthumous reputation in the West has been largely shaped by two conflicting perspectives. These have positioned him on the one hand as a secret dissident, bent and broken under the unbearable strain of totalitarianism, made heroic through his veiled musical resistance to Communism; and on the other hand as a composer compromised by his capitulation to the regime – represented in an anachronistic musical style. Both perspectives surrender Shostakovich and his music to a crude oversimplification driven by vested political interests. Western listeners thus conditioned are primed to hear either the coded dissidence of a tragic victim of Communist brutality or the sinister submission of a ‘loyal son of the Communist Party’.1 For those prepared to accept Shostakovich as a ‘tragic victim’, the publication of his purported memoirs in 1979, ‘as related to and edited by’ the author Solomon Volkov, presents a tantalizing conclusion: bitterly yet discreetly scornful of the Stalinist regime, Shostakovich was indeed a secret dissident and this dissidence was made tangible in his music.


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