scholarly journals Participation of civil society in decisions to mitigate environmental degradation in post-conflict societies: evidence from Somalia

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Osman M Jama ◽  
Guijian Liu ◽  
Abdishakur W. Diriye ◽  
Balal Yousaf ◽  
Ibrahim Basiru ◽  
...  

The question of the degree to which participation by civil society contributes to environmental decisions in post-conflict societies has received little attention. This study sheds light on the extent to which degrees of participation contribute to environmental decision-making in the Puntland State of Somalia using questionnaire surveys. We found that active participation has the highest contribution to environmental decisions. Our findings also indicated that the most pressing forms of environmental degradation in Puntland, as perceived by the respondents, are land degradation, drought related to the scarcity of rainfall, and deforestation. This study recommends “environmental cooperation” built into the peace-building process as a clear-cut concept to tackle both environmental degradation and conflicts. At the core of this concept is active participation and collaboration between civil society and the government as a means of mitigating environmental degradation in post-conflict Somalia. This will result in favorable environmental conditions and sustainable peace.

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 211-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Qasim Ali Shah ◽  
Bahadar Nawab ◽  
Tahir Mehmood

Peacebuilding is a continuous process to transform conflicts into development opportunities for and by the stakeholders. This article explores the role of stakeholders in post-conflict peacebuilding in Swat. Applying Constructivist paradigm and Discourse Analysis, 80 semi-structured interviews were conducted by incorporating local community, civil society and the government. Study finds out that cultural, political, social and economic tiers of peacebuilding measures in Swat hardly achieved its purpose. The lack of institutional coordination and gaps in peacebuilding measures are important hurdles, which needs to be minimized for sustainable development processes in Swat.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 361-378
Author(s):  
Tati Hartimah ◽  
Setyadi Sulaiman ◽  
Nina Farlina

This study aimed to explore the effectiveness of Pela Gandong in the process of social reconciliation and peacebuilding in Ambon. Using a sociocultural approach, this qualitative research attempted to examine the theory of social reconciliation in the peace-building process between two conflicting groups. The data that had been collected in the form of interviews, FGDs, and documentation sources related to pela gandong were qualitatively analyzed. The results of the research showed that structural segregation becomes a barrier to the process of social reconciliation because some communities and local elites still maintained inter-group beliefs about the existence of a common enemy due to past conflicts. Pela gandong played a role in strengthening social reconciliation amid actor antagonisms that were difficult to subside, factions among local elites that were still strong, and people who were still trapped in past traumas. Based on the spirit of pela gandong, the government and civil society, including educational institutions in Ambon, presented a peaceful atmosphere with various initiatives, starting from the formation of multi-ethnic villages, providing facilities and infrastructure for harmony, strengthening the curriculum for local wisdom "Pela Gandong" and “Pendidikan Orang Basudara” (POB), to strengthening interfaith mediation institutions in Maluku: Baku Bae, Maluku Interfaith Institution, and Maluku Interfaith Institution for Humanitarian Action. All of them were an effort to create a peaceful Ambon, make Maluku a laboratory for peace, a learning medium for other regions in Indonesia.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-68
Author(s):  
Ihsan Hamid

Civil society movement post Reformation gained momentum, it ismarked by a growing number of emerging elements of civil society itselfwith various forms of movement and activities performed. The dynamicsof this at once indicates that the process of Westernization of the nationof Indonesia, because of the progress of the process therein, of course,involve the participation of the public good in giving control of theGovernment as well as the active participation in the effort ofmaintaining the harmony node civic social dam in an attempt tomecegah the conflict and remained consistent in providing solutions tothe issues facing the nation. On that basis then the existence of a civilsociety necessary existence. For it was at least the civil society movementcan be manifested into some kind of social movements. The first symbolicresistance, which includes various indirect actions to control thedomination of the country. Secondly, pragmatic resistance that wasconducted as a direct reaction against the wisdom of the Government orthe system of socio-economic-political progress, including in this case bea solution for all social problems. Third, the symbolic resistance-which isa pragmatic action directly or indirectly to the creation of socio-politicalsituation that demands better especially young wong and alsodemanded a reduction in State control against the various areas of lifethe community.


2020 ◽  
pp. 295-310
Author(s):  
Ala Uddin

This paper attempts to provide an insight into the transforming role of education in peace-building in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT). The region has been witnessed ethnic conflict since the mid-1970s. However, the situation intensified with the government sponsored population transfer program (1979 onward), which not only changed the demographic profile, it forcibly displaced many indigenous people—who less than two decades earlier had already been displaced by the Kaptai hydroelectric project (in 1960s). Consequently, the indigenous people who were already in duress because of land scarcity caused by the dam and transmigration faced further survival problem in competition with the Bengali settlers. In this situation, the indigenous people resisted the influx of the Bengali settlers in the hills. In response to the resistance, the Bangladesh government deployed a huge number of military and other armed forces to foil the “insurgency”. In consequence, many incidents of massacre, attack and reprisal attack, killing, sexual violence, etc. took place, often committed by the armed forces and Bengali settlers. However, a couple of initiatives led to a long-awaited agreement in 1997, which formally ended the two and half-decade-long bloody conflict in the hills. Even though 17 years have elapsed since the signing of the Accord, the region is neither a peaceful nor a secured region to its people. Under the circumstances, this paper proposes education can transform the communities toward peaceful coexistence. Addressing the sensitive issues education can contribute to reconstruct and social renewal in the aftermath of violent conflict. Based on empirical findings, also consulted with secondary sources, the paper posits, merely education is not the solution of the long-standing conflict; however, it has significant role to play in peace-building in the post-conflict and conflict-affected societies, like the CHT.


2014 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 53-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Hönig

Over the past few years, the Ugandan government has repeatedly initiated proceedings to clear one-fourth of the Mabira natural forest reserve in central Uganda and give the land to a sugar company controlled by a transnational business conglomerate. Each time the government took steps to execute the Mabira project, civil society groups organised large-scale protests that pressurised the government into shelving its plans. The Save Mabira Forest campaign has been widely cited as an example of how sustained protests by civil society groups serve as a corrective of democratic deficits in decision-making processes pertaining to the commons and as a deterrent to profit-driven business schemes hatched in collusion with carefree or corrupt bureaucrats and politicians. However, an in-depth analysis of the campaign suggests that ecological and social justice concerns are mixed up with identity politics and exclusionist agendas. Examining the complex web of interactions between state, big business and civil society in Uganda, this paper sheds light on the multi-layered and often ambiguous role played by non-governmental organisations in post-conflict societies of sub-Saharan Africa.


2020 ◽  
Vol 63 (9) ◽  
pp. 1695-1715
Author(s):  
Osman M. Jama ◽  
Guijian Liu ◽  
Abdishakur W. Diriye ◽  
Balal Yousaf ◽  
Ibrahim Basiru ◽  
...  

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
D.G. Rajitha Nilaksha Rukshan

Historically, Sri Lanka (Ceylon) used to be considered as one of the more stable and secure countries in the South Asian region. In the years after independence it gradually dawned on the government that maintaining national security was a crucial and most challenging contemporary issue faced by the country. At the global level, the role of the Military was understood as being vital for ensuring the safety, security and dignity of the nation-state. And, when national security is threatened on any ground, the military is expected to play a key role in safeguarding it. However, after the military victory was won by defeating the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in Sri Lanka in 2009 it was expected that a deep sense of peace and tranquility would be restored in the country. Contrary to this expectation, Sri Lankan national security was breached very badly, leadimg to an unstable situation as a result of a series of bomb blasts set off by certain extremist elements on the 21st of April 2019. In this backdrop, it would be a timely exercise to explore and analyze the Sri Lankan nation stateʼs security, peace building initiatives, and the role of the military. Taking this a step further, this study sought to analyze the role played by the military in the post-conflict peace building process as well. The study used qualitative methodology to conduct the investigation. Secondary data sources including books, articles and official reports were utilized to collect information for this study. This research found that in Sri Lanka the military was actively engaged in maintaining national security by using its soft and hard power as appropriate. This Study also found that lack of a coherent National Security Policy in Sri Lanka has been a key problem that needs to be addressed and corrected soon to ensure the safety and security of the country.


Author(s):  
Ala Uddin

This paper attempts to provide an insight into the transforming role of education in peace-building in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT). The region has been witnessed ethnic conflict since the mid-1970s. However, the situation intensified with the government sponsored population transfer program (1979 onward), which not only changed the demographic profile, it forcibly displaced many indigenous people—who less than two decades earlier had already been displaced by the Kaptai hydroelectric project (in 1960s). Consequently, the indigenous people who were already in duress because of land scarcity caused by the dam and transmigration faced further survival problem in competition with the Bengali settlers. In this situation, the indigenous people resisted the influx of the Bengali settlers in the hills. In response to the resistance, the Bangladesh government deployed a huge number of military and other armed forces to foil the “insurgency”. In consequence, many incidents of massacre, attack and reprisal attack, killing, sexual violence, etc. took place, often committed by the armed forces and Bengali settlers. However, a couple of initiatives led to a long-awaited agreement in 1997, which formally ended the two and half-decade-long bloody conflict in the hills. Even though 17 years have elapsed since the signing of the Accord, the region is neither a peaceful nor a secured region to its people. Under the circumstances, this paper proposes education can transform the communities toward peaceful coexistence. Addressing the sensitive issues education can contribute to reconstruct and social renewal in the aftermath of violent conflict. Based on empirical findings, also consulted with secondary sources, the paper posits, merely education is not the solution of the long-standing conflict; however, it has significant role to play in peace-building in the post-conflict and conflict-affected societies, like the CHT.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Akaenyi Nkiruka Jacinta

The paper examines the strategic approaches adopted by women and the socio-cultural obstacles that impede women‟s active participation in conflict resolution and peace building process as seen in the play understudy. African nations have been ravaged by conflict, resulting in destabilization, displacement, and infrastructural destruction, all of which have gender-specific consequences. Women are often portrayed as victims of conflict; and in large part, they are. Yet they are largely neglected once peace occurs. Despite active role in war, women are often neglected in the post-conflict situation and in peace negotiations. Studies have shown that despite the fact that women play active roles in developing coalitions across fighting groups within and outside Nigeria, women are neither represented nor consulted in peace negotiations. Often discrimination against women in post-conflict land settlement buttresses this fact. This is essential for sustaining peace.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Sugit Arjon

This article focuses to analyze the roots of violence and this article examines at case studies from Indonesia. This article also aims at answering the effectiveness of policy in the conflict management by analysing the critical factors that involved in violent conflicts and briefly seek alternative solution to prevent it to happen in the future. This article aims to answer two central questions, firstly, how effective the Indonesian government policy on security and conflict. Secondly, what are the roles of NGOs to support the effectiveness of the policy on security and conflict. To prevent the future conflicts, there are three effective strategies that can be implemented and it need the collaboration between the policymakers and society. First, to design an effective early warning mechanism which able to inform a potential friction that can escalate to bigger conflict. Second, an effective policy to prevent conflict, to manage conflict, and peace building mechanisms in post-conflict. Third, urge the participation of non-state actors in conflict management. The Indonesian government and house of representatives have passed the bill on social conflict management written as Law No. 7/2012 or known as UU PKS. However, UU PKS arguably leaves plenty of loopholes. Moreover, the activities of NGOs on the conflict management can be divided into two main categories: public engagement and advocacy. Public engagement activities focus on services to the public while on the advocacy focuses to maintain communication and put pressure to the government. In public engagement activities, the NGOs offer the service to provide psychological and legal assistance, consulting the victims rights, consulting, legal advice, psychosocial support to the victims. Moreover, in the advocacy approach, the NGOs maintain the discussion and lobby to the government to ensure the peace and justice in law enforcement.


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