scholarly journals Towards an Analytical Model in Critical Pragmatics

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fareed Hameed Al-Hindawi ◽  
Wafaa S. Al-Saate

Aspects like power, dominance or ideology affect our choice of words in addition to other contextual factors (such as settings, participants and so on). The power we enjoy as social actors or the ideology we adhere to concerning any issue in life may play a crucial role in our language production or interpretation. Issuing a certain speech act rather than another or producing one impolite form rather than a polite one owning to such aspects falls within the realm of critical pragmatics. It is one analytical methodology where critical issues are examined in terms of the pragmatic phenomena to explore how the latter aid in the manifestation of the former. It attempts to answer this question: what are the most common pragmatic phenomena that reveal how racists or sexists pass on their critical ideologies? It aims to develop an analytical model for critical pragmatics and identify the common pragmatic themes utilized. The study is qualitative. It confines itself to the political discourse in the American context. The analysis of the data proves the workability of the model that has been developed by the study. It also shows that various pragmatic phenomena can be utilized to unravel critical issues.

Author(s):  
Abdul Aleem Yahya

This research is conducted on political discourse of a high profile Pakistani politician and a former famous cricketer Imran Khan in the context of Pakistani politics. It aims to understand the ideological process and project of creating a New Pakistan (Naya Pakistan), and that how this project influences the way Imran Khan shapes the political reality during his speeches. The analysis reveals that Imran Khan indexes more often his personal identity as a strong leader of the Tahreek-e-Insaaf party rather than the common or national identity. The results assert this point because the transformation of the country may seem to be only possible under his identity as a leader of Tahreek-e-Insaaf. From the spatial deixes analysis, it manifests that Imran Khan wants to reach to the ideological space or destination of New Pakistan where everyone will have equal rights. This projection of New Pakistan is presented like a utopian world where all things would be right and there would be justice, cooperation and peace. The deixes such as ‘here’, ‘now’ and ‘today’ represent Old Pakistan (Purana Pakistan) which is its present state. But the future along the temporal axes is full of hope that reflects the vision of the founding father of Pakistan ‘Quaid-e-Azam’ in the form of New Pakistan. A comparative study of various other politicians may bring forth further elicitation of political discourse in Pakistani context in future.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Renata Grochowska

The aim of the article is to show how the term food security evolved in the political discourse of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and how it was interpreted by actors of the decision-making process to achieve the objectives pursued. For this purpose the critical discourse analysis is used. It can be concluded that soft skills, the ability to use words are increasingly important in politics. Politicians use specific types of organisations and institutions to make ideological beliefs and discourses – they need to achieve their objectives – come true. The message, which is read in a specific way to produce very specific reactions, is thus manipulated through the media and other ideological apparatuses. The evolution of theoretical concepts in the political discourse of the CAP presented in the article indicates a high dependence on path dependency. The neo-mercantilist approach to agriculture has been present from the beginning of its existence. The concepts of multifunctionality and neo-liberalism were promoted as a result of pressure from existing external and internal conditions, but they were always to legitimise maintaining high agricultural funding from the EU budget. The food crisis of 2007–2008 and food security became a fundamental elements of the political agenda, which allowed for the return of neo-productivism, in order to defend agricultural subsidies and continue the role of the state in their maintenance.


2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-45
Author(s):  
Akihiko Shimizu

This essay explores the discourse of law that constitutes the controversial apprehension of Cicero's issuing of the ultimate decree of the Senate (senatus consultum ultimum) in Catiline. The play juxtaposes the struggle of Cicero, whose moral character and legitimacy are at stake in regards to the extra-legal uses of espionage, with the supposedly mischievous Catilinarians who appear to observe legal procedures more carefully throughout their plot. To mitigate this ambivalence, the play defends Cicero's actions by depicting the way in which Cicero establishes the rhetoric of public counsel to convince the citizens of his legitimacy in his unprecedented dealing with Catiline. To understand the contemporaneousness of Catiline, I will explore the way the play integrates the early modern discourses of counsel and the legal maxim of ‘better to suffer an inconvenience than mischief,’ suggesting Jonson's subtle sensibility towards King James's legal reformation which aimed to establish and deploy monarchical authority in the state of emergency (such as the Gunpowder Plot of 1605). The play's climactic trial scene highlights the display of the collected evidence, such as hand-written letters and the testimonies obtained through Cicero's spies, the Allbroges, as proof of Catiline's mischievous character. I argue that the tactical negotiating skills of the virtuous and vicious characters rely heavily on the effective use of rhetoric exemplified by both the political discourse of classical Rome and the legal discourse of Tudor and Jacobean England.


Author(s):  
Simon Morgan Wortham

This chapter evaluates the question of the ‘complex’ in a range of scientific, political and psychoanalytic contexts, asking not only where lines of connection and demarcation occur among specific distributions of meaning, value, theory and practice; but also probing the psychoanalytic corpus, notably Freud’s writings on the notion of a ‘complex’, in order to reframe various implications of the idea that this term tends to resist its own utilisation as both an object and form of analysis. This section establishes connections between three sets of theoretical questions: the common practice of describing modernity and its wake in terms of a drive towards increasing complexity; the meaning and cultural legacy of phrases such as ‘military-industrial complex’ and sundry derivations in the political sphere; and the intricacies and ambiguities subtending the term ‘complex’ within psychoanalytic theory. As a concept that Freud both utilised and repudiated, the provocative power of the term ‘complex’ is linked to the way it thwarts various attempts at systemization (providing nonetheless an apparatus of sorts through which contemporary science, Slavoj Žižek, Noam Chomsky, Freud, Eisenhower, and post-war politics can be articulated to one another).


2019 ◽  
Vol 98 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachael E. Comunale

This article examines the development of political opposition in Scotland from 1695 to 1701 in the context of the Company of Scotland Trading to Africa and the Indies. It is argued that the potency of the political movement inspired by Darien derived from the view that King William was directly implicated in the failure of the colony. Three episodes in the Company's history—the loss of subscriptions in Hamburg, the appearance of memorials in the new world prohibiting English aid to the colony and the imprisonment of Darien sailors by the Spanish authorities—are examined in detail. The ramification of these controversies was increasingly seen as the result not of English interference, but rather the crown's refusal to act on behalf of the Company. Because a significant proportion of the population was invested in the Company, and because the press helped to keep Darien in the forefront of public consciousness, these issues transformed Darien into a major political grievance that united disparate political factions in support of a single cause. Although the alliance inspired by Darien was temporary, it, nonetheless, played a crucial role in disrupting the political status quo.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 140-155
Author(s):  
Dmitry A. Badalyan

“Zemsky Sobor” was one of the key concepts in Russian political discourse in the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. It can be traced to the notion well-known already since the 17th century. Still in the course of further evolution it received various mew meaning and connotations in the discourse of different political trends. The author of the article examines various stages of this concept configuring in the works of the Decembrists, especially Slavophiles, and then in the political projects and publications of the socialists, liberals and “aristocratic” opposition.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 123-136
Author(s):  
Lyubov V. Ulyanova

The article analyzes the political discourse of the officials of the main political surveillance structure, – the Police Department, – in the period of 1880s (organization of the Department) and until October, 1905, when the Western-type Constitution project finally prevailed. The comparative analysis of the conceptual instruments (“Constitutionalists”, “Oppositionists”, “Radicals”, “Liberals”) typically used in the Police Department allows one to come o the conclusion that the leaders of the Russian empire political police did not follow the “reactionary and protective” discourse, did not share its postulates, but preferred the moderate-liberal-conservative path of political development. Along with that, the Police Department also demonstrated loyal attitude to zemsky administration and zemsky figures, covert criticism of “bureaucratic mediastinum”, the tendency to come to an agreement with public figures through personal negotiations, intentional omittance of reactionary and protective repressive measures in preserving autocracy. All this allows to come to the conclusion that the officials of the Police Department shares Slavophil public and political doctrine.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-104
Author(s):  
Dima Kortukov

Abstract The concept of sovereign democracy dominated the political discourse in Russia in 2006–8 but lost much of its significance since. In this article, I argue that sovereign democracy is best understood as the response of Russia’s authorities to the threats of democratization, following Eurasian color revolutions. I distinguish between three conceptually distinct aspects of sovereign democracy: (1) a social contract (2) a legitimation discourse; and (3) a counter-revolutionary praxis. These dimensions allow us to understand what functions sovereign democracy fulfilled within the framework of Russia’s authoritarian regime and why it lost its prominence over time.


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