scholarly journals US Parents’ Domestic Labor Over the Course of the COVID-19 Pandemic

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel L. Carlson ◽  
Richard Petts

•Objective: This study assesses changes in parents’ divisions of housework and childcare over the course of the COVID-19 pandemic. •Background: Assessing the long-term consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic for gender equality requires understanding how and why labor arrangements shifted as the pandemic progressed. Yet, we know little about US parents’ domestic arrangements beyond the early days of the COVID-19 pandemic or how simultaneous changes in men’s and women’s employment, earnings, telework, gender ideologies, and access to care supports may have altered domestic labor arrangements.•Method: This study assesses change in parents’ domestic labor using fixed-effects regression on data from a longitudinal panel of 700 different-sex partnered US parents collected at three time points: March 2020, April 2020, and November 2020.•Results: Partnered parents’ divisions of housework and childcare became more equal in the early days of the pandemic, but reverted toward pre-pandemic levels by the fall of 2020. Changes in parents’ divisions of domestic labor were largely driven by changes in parents’ labor force conditions, and especially by fathers’ labor force conditions. Decreases in fathers’ labor force participation and increases in telecommuting in April portended increases in partnered fathers’ shares of domestic tasks. As fathers increased time in paid work and returned to in-person work by fall, their shares of domestic labor fell.•Conclusion: Overall, results suggest that promoting full-time employment among mothers and greater time at home for fathers are key in facilitating a more equal division of domestic labor within families post-pandemic.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Paul Callister

<p>Despite a period of dramatic job loss from the mid 1980s to the mid 1990s, long-term employment data do not support the view that paid work has been disappearing from the New Zealand economy. However, the distribution of work for people aged 25-59 has been changing. In particular, between 1986 and 1996 there was a strong decline in full-time employment of prime-aged men, along with a decline in full-time employment amongst young people. In 1986, just over a tenth of prime-aged men were either not in paid work or worked part time. By 1996, this had increased to a quarter. While most of the changes in male employment were driven by shifts in labour demand, a small group of men actively chose to reduce their hours of work or to have breaks from paid work. In the decade 1986 to 1996, formal educational qualifications became a more powerful predictor of a person's employment status. In particular, by the early 1990s, prime-aged men and women without a formal educational qualification faced major disadvantages in the labour market. In contrast, the variable of gender, while still very important, weakened as a predictor of employment status. Employment data also show that there was some shift away from "standard" weekly hours of paid work for prime-aged people between 1986 and 1996. For both men and women, there was some growth in the proportion who worked very short hours as well as an increase in the proportion working 50 or more hours per week. Some of this appears to have taken place by choice, but some due to changing demands by employers. Employment status also has some association with living arrangement for prime-aged men. However, while employed men were far more likely to live in a couple than men not in work at both the beginning and end of the main period studied, this relationship weakened. In 1986, education had little predictive power regarding male living arrangements. However, by 1996, its importance had increased. Assortative mating patterns mean that couples tend to be education-rich or education-poor. However, the concentration of education within particular couples changed little over the decade. There was a shift within prime-aged couples and households to either work-poor or work-rich status between 1986 and 1996. In 1996, just under a fifth of prime-aged households were work-poor. The significant growth in the proportion of work-poor couples and households took place in the period of job loss between 1986 and 1991. While the strong employment growth in the economy in the next five years increased the proportion of work-rich households it only marginally reduced the proportion of work-poor households. In the 1990s, education-poor couples were over-represented amongst prime-aged work-poor couples. Yet, the New Zealand data suggest that a wide range of other factors influence the growth of this family type. This includes health issues and barriers to employment amongst well-qualified immigrants. The reasons behind the growth of work-rich couples are also complex. They include push factors such as well-educated women increasingly wanting to have a long-term attachment to the labour force, through to pull factors of women obtaining work to supplement family income in the face of declining male income. On a geographic area basis, the data does show that in the 1990s there were extremes of work-rich and work-poor residential areas. In addition, using various measures, the proportion of work-poor areas increased between 1986 and 1996. There was also a small, but important, group of area units that remained work-poor for the ten years studied. A significant proportion of long-term work-poor areas were also classified as "deprived". Finally, the rapid rise in educational attainment over the last decade was unevenly spread on a geographic basis. While there remain many communities where there is a wide mixture of education levels amongst the residents, the spatial clustering of similarly qualified (or unqualified) people is important in New Zealand.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Paul Callister

<p>Despite a period of dramatic job loss from the mid 1980s to the mid 1990s, long-term employment data do not support the view that paid work has been disappearing from the New Zealand economy. However, the distribution of work for people aged 25-59 has been changing. In particular, between 1986 and 1996 there was a strong decline in full-time employment of prime-aged men, along with a decline in full-time employment amongst young people. In 1986, just over a tenth of prime-aged men were either not in paid work or worked part time. By 1996, this had increased to a quarter. While most of the changes in male employment were driven by shifts in labour demand, a small group of men actively chose to reduce their hours of work or to have breaks from paid work. In the decade 1986 to 1996, formal educational qualifications became a more powerful predictor of a person's employment status. In particular, by the early 1990s, prime-aged men and women without a formal educational qualification faced major disadvantages in the labour market. In contrast, the variable of gender, while still very important, weakened as a predictor of employment status. Employment data also show that there was some shift away from "standard" weekly hours of paid work for prime-aged people between 1986 and 1996. For both men and women, there was some growth in the proportion who worked very short hours as well as an increase in the proportion working 50 or more hours per week. Some of this appears to have taken place by choice, but some due to changing demands by employers. Employment status also has some association with living arrangement for prime-aged men. However, while employed men were far more likely to live in a couple than men not in work at both the beginning and end of the main period studied, this relationship weakened. In 1986, education had little predictive power regarding male living arrangements. However, by 1996, its importance had increased. Assortative mating patterns mean that couples tend to be education-rich or education-poor. However, the concentration of education within particular couples changed little over the decade. There was a shift within prime-aged couples and households to either work-poor or work-rich status between 1986 and 1996. In 1996, just under a fifth of prime-aged households were work-poor. The significant growth in the proportion of work-poor couples and households took place in the period of job loss between 1986 and 1991. While the strong employment growth in the economy in the next five years increased the proportion of work-rich households it only marginally reduced the proportion of work-poor households. In the 1990s, education-poor couples were over-represented amongst prime-aged work-poor couples. Yet, the New Zealand data suggest that a wide range of other factors influence the growth of this family type. This includes health issues and barriers to employment amongst well-qualified immigrants. The reasons behind the growth of work-rich couples are also complex. They include push factors such as well-educated women increasingly wanting to have a long-term attachment to the labour force, through to pull factors of women obtaining work to supplement family income in the face of declining male income. On a geographic area basis, the data does show that in the 1990s there were extremes of work-rich and work-poor residential areas. In addition, using various measures, the proportion of work-poor areas increased between 1986 and 1996. There was also a small, but important, group of area units that remained work-poor for the ten years studied. A significant proportion of long-term work-poor areas were also classified as "deprived". Finally, the rapid rise in educational attainment over the last decade was unevenly spread on a geographic basis. While there remain many communities where there is a wide mixture of education levels amongst the residents, the spatial clustering of similarly qualified (or unqualified) people is important in New Zealand.</p>


Author(s):  
Gabor Forgacs ◽  
Sara Dolnicar

Contingent (just-in-time, or gig) employment is on the rise in tourism and hospitality. People in contingent employment are not offered long-term contracts, but are called upon when needed. This chapter explores whether peer-to-peer accommodation networks are part of the problem or part of the solution. They create new challenges by increasing the competitive pressure on the established commercial sector, which leads to a reduction in jobs and a conversion of full-time to contingent employment. But they also offer new employment opportunities: without entry barriers, people can earn additional income by renting out spare space, and other opportunities – especially for a workforce trained in hospitality – are emerging as listing managers for hosts. These jobs may be particularly suitable to people traditionally struggling with full-time employment arrangements.


Blood ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 485-490 ◽  
Author(s):  
R Storb ◽  
ED Thomas ◽  
CD Buckner ◽  
RA Clift ◽  
A Fefer ◽  
...  

Abstract Eleven of twenty-four patients with severe aplastic anemia given marrow grafts from HLA-identical siblings between October 1970 and March 1973 are alive with normal marrow function and continued evidence of engraftment 3–5 yr later. Ten have been leading normal lives with no immunosuppressive or other drug therapy since day 100 postgrafting. One has had chronic graft-versus-host disease of the skin which is now slowly improving with no therapy. He returned to full-time employment in the summer of 1975. The long-term well-being of almost half of our initial patients emphasizes the importance of marrow transplantation for the treatment of severe aplastic anemia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (10) ◽  
pp. 7-23
Author(s):  
Piotr Matuszak

The aim of this study is to assess the relationship between temporary part-time employment and the wages male employees receive in subsequent full-time employment within the first five and the first ten years from the date of starting their full-time employment. The study uses data from the German labour market, obtained from the Socio-Economic Panel for the years 1984–2014. The fixed effects estimator, which solves the unobserved heterogeneity issue by removing time-invariant individual effects by a ‘within’ transformation, was applied in the empirical analysis. The results indicate that having experience as a part-time worker is associated with lower future wages – a one-year increase in the number of years in part-time work in the last two to five years leads to a reduction in future wages in a full-time job by 4.4% on average, compared to having solely a full-time job experience. However, this relationship becomes statistically insignificant after five years of being employed full-time. The results are robust to different specifications and it is indicated that an inverse relationship between working below regular hours and future wages in full-time employment is related to working parttime in low- and medium-skilled occupations. At the same time, working part-time is less detrimental to future wages than periods of unemployment.


Demography ◽  
2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrés Villarreal ◽  
Wei-hsin Yu

Abstract We investigate the impact of the COVID-19 epidemic on gender disparities in three employment outcomes: labor force participation, full-time employment, and unemployment. Using data from the monthly Current Population Survey, in this research note we test individual fixed-effects models to examine the employment status of women relative to that of men in the nine months following the onset of the epidemic in March of 2020. We also test separate models to examine differences between women and men based on the presence of young children. Because the economic effects of the epidemic coincided with the summer months, when women's employment often declines, we account for seasonality in women's employment status. After doing so, we find that women's full-time employment did not decline significantly relative to that of men during the months following the beginning of the epidemic. Gender gaps in unemployment and labor force participation did increase, however, in the early and later months of the year, respectively. Our findings regarding women's labor force participation and employment have implications for our understanding of the long-term effects of the health crisis on other demographic outcomes.


Blood ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 485-490 ◽  
Author(s):  
R Storb ◽  
ED Thomas ◽  
CD Buckner ◽  
RA Clift ◽  
A Fefer ◽  
...  

Eleven of twenty-four patients with severe aplastic anemia given marrow grafts from HLA-identical siblings between October 1970 and March 1973 are alive with normal marrow function and continued evidence of engraftment 3–5 yr later. Ten have been leading normal lives with no immunosuppressive or other drug therapy since day 100 postgrafting. One has had chronic graft-versus-host disease of the skin which is now slowly improving with no therapy. He returned to full-time employment in the summer of 1975. The long-term well-being of almost half of our initial patients emphasizes the importance of marrow transplantation for the treatment of severe aplastic anemia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 50 (Supplement_1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tania King ◽  
Yamna Taouk ◽  
Tony LaMontagne ◽  
Doctor Humaira Maheen ◽  
Anne Kavanagh

Abstract Background Despite evidence that employed women report more time pressure and work-life penalties than employed men and other women, scant attention has been paid to the possible health effects of female labour-force participation. Methods This analysis examined associations between household labour-force arrangements and the mental health of men and women using 17 waves of data from the Household Income and Labour Dynamics Survey. Mental health was measured using the Mental Health Inventory (MHI-5). A five-category measure of household employment configuration was derived: dual full-time employed, male-breadwinner, female-breadwinner, shared part-time employment (both part-time) and male full-time/female part-time (1.5-earner). Using fixed effects regression methods, we examined the within-person effects of household employment configuration on mental health, controlling for time-varying confounders. Results For men, being in the female-breadwinner configuration was associated with poorer mental health compared to being in the 1.5-earner configuration (b-1.98, 95%CI -3.36, -0.61). The mental health of women was poorer when in the male-breadwinner configuration, compared to when in the 1.5-earner arrangement (b-0.89, 95%CI -1.56, -0.22). Conclusions The mental health of both men and women is poorer when not in the labour-force, either as a man in the female-breadwinner arrangement, or as a woman in the male-breadwinner arrangement. Key messages These results suggest that the mental health of women and men benefits from labour-force participation. The results are noteworthy for women, because they pertain to a sizeable proportion of the population who are not in paid employment, and highlight the need for policy reform to support women’s labour-force participation.


2021 ◽  
pp. 103530462110413
Author(s):  
Jaslin K Kalsi ◽  
Siobhan Austen ◽  
Astghik Mavisakalyan

This study applies a methodology used by De Henau and Himmelweit (2013) to study resource allocation in Australian mixed-sex couple households. Using 18 waves of data from the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia survey and by means of fixed effects estimations, the study identifies how men’s and women’s contributions via paid and unpaid work influences their satisfaction with the financial situation (SWFS) within households. Employment status is used to proxy each partner’s contribution to household resources. The results reveal that paid contributions through full-time employment have a strong role in determining SWFS. This is a source of gender difference because Australian men are much more likely to be engaged in full-time employment than women. Most often, for both men and women, unpaid contributions to household resources (proxied by less than full-time employment) has a detrimental effect on their own SWFS, but smaller effects on their partner’s SWFS. These results imply that gender asymmetry in paid and unpaid contributions to household resources contributes to the reproduction of gender inequalities within Australian households. The results add external validity to the relevance of De Henau and Himmelweit’s (2013) analysis of these issues. JEL codes: B54, I31, E24


It's a Setup ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 21-55
Author(s):  
Timothy Black ◽  
Sky Keyes

In this chapter, the authors describe the effects that neoliberal economic restructuring has had on the earning potential of men at the bottom of the labor force. Pushed into low-wage full-time employment that falls far short of meeting family needs or into part-time employment, or even out of the labor force, these men struggle to contribute as providers, and as fathers more generally. Financial stress in family relationships has become less episodic and more permanent, while marriage has ceased to be a viable institution in economically unstable social circumstances. The jobless recovery of the early part of the decade and the Great Recession at the end help us to see family vulnerability in a neoliberal context.


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