ATTITUDE OF VORONEZH RESIDENTS TOWARDS CORONAVIRUS AND MEANS OF ITS PREVENTION

Author(s):  
Nelli Romanovich

The COVID-19 pandemic changed the behavioural attitudes of citizens and affected social, economic and even political relations. New patterns of behaviour are being formed and include both negative and positive components. The «pandemic of fear» is sometimes more destructive than the disease itself. Fear separates people not only by distance, but also in outlook. Society is split in relation to the phenomenon of coronavirus, to the methods of its treatment, to the means of its prevention, to the vaccination offered by the government. This is evidenced by both the results of surveys in Russia and public opinion research in the Voronezh region. Public opinion polls in Voronezh are carried out as a part of the social project initiative carried by the Public Opinion Institute «Qualitas».

Author(s):  
Juan Reyes del Campillo Lona

This paper analyzes the stages of the 2006 election in Mexico City and examines the social conflict that polarized the political figures as well as the electorate. It also talks about the selection process of the candidates, particularly those of the ruling party, as well as the campaigns and their impact on the public opinion polls and, finally, it analyzes the final results. The election showed an evident division or tension line among the electorate that entails a strong social and ideological content.


Author(s):  
William W. Franko ◽  
Christopher Witko

Here the authors present the variation that exists in income inequality across the states, and variation in public awareness or concern about income inequality as measured by public opinion polls. Though politicians may decide to tackle income inequality even in the absence of public concern about inequality, the authors argue that government responses are more likely when and where there is a growing awareness of, and concern about, inequality, which is confirmed in the analyses in this book. To examine this question in subsequent chapters, a novel measure of public awareness of rising state inequality is developed. Using these estimates, this chapter shows that the growth in the public concern about inequality responds in part to objective increases in inequality, but also that state political conditions, particularly mass partisanship, shape perceptions of inequality.


Author(s):  
Anaëlle Wilczynski

This article deals with strategic voting under incomplete information. We propose a descriptive model, inspired by political elections, where the information about the vote intentions of the electorate comes from public opinion polls and a social network, modeled as a graph over the voters. The voters are assumed to be confident in the poll and they update the communicated results with the information they get from their relatives in the social network. We consider an iterative voting model based on this behavior and study the associated “poll-confident” dynamics. In this context, we ask the question of manipulation by the polling institute.


1973 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 280-289
Author(s):  
René de Lacharrière

GENERAL ELECTIONS WERE HELD IN FRANCE ON 4 AND 11 MARCH 1973 for the renewal of the National Assembly which had been elected in June 1968. The interesting fact about them was that the public opinion polls had forecast some weeks before the date set for the elections that there was a very real possibility of a victory for the alliance concluded between the united socialists and communists, and some left-wing radicals, on a common platform of reforms and of government. This socialist-communist coalition did not, in fact, win, but the majority party's share fell from 372 to 275 seats, out of 487, while the total number of votes cast for it was less than that cast for the left.


Author(s):  
Alexey Titkov

The article continues the discussion of Grigory Yudin’s book Public Opinion. The review considers Yudin’s arguments on the “plebiscitarian bias” in opinion-poll technology, on the linkages between opinion-polls, Rousseauist tradition and the “plebiscitarian model”, and on Gallup’s, Schumpeter’s, and Weber’s contributions to plebiscitarism. In the context of the proposed conceptual model, controversial issues in the interpretation of Weber’s and Schumpeter’s ideas, as well as an estimation of the Russian political regime in the 2010s are debated. Models of plebescitarism (including their principles and criteria) as proposed by Yudin, and by Urbinati in Democracy Disfigured are compared. The article highlights the differences between Gallup and Schumpeter, as well as between Schumpeter and Weber, in their insights into democracy and public opinion. The reviewer pays attention to the relationship between the classical doctrine of representative democracy by Schumpeter and the bourgeois public sphere by Habermas, and between public debates and the quantification of public opinion. We examine the argument about the continuity between public-opinion polls and the big projects of Modernity, such as representative democracy, public sphere, and biopolitics. Continuity argument is proposed as an alternative to Yudin’s hypothesis about the radical reinvention of ‘democracy’ and ‘public opinion’ during the inter-war period of the 20th century. Yudin’s insights on the social and political onthology of opinion-polls are preliminary, and are reconstructed for further discussion.


2015 ◽  
pp. 44-57
Author(s):  
Lilian Yamamoto

Death penalty has been present in most part of Japanese history. In the opposite direction of the majority of the developed countries, there is not any short-medium term perspective it will be abolished from the Japanese penal system. This article intends to investigate what are the reasons for the predominance of its favorable position and its retention, in special, the public opinion and governmental politics. Before that, it will analyze the evolution of its execution methods, a discussion of its constitutionality, as well as its retentionist reasonings. Eventually, it aims to demonstrate that the public opinion polls can generate results according to the interests of those who carry them out.


2013 ◽  
Vol 107 (4) ◽  
pp. 849-865 ◽  
Author(s):  
MICHAEL R. TOMZ ◽  
JESSICA L. P. WEEKS

One of the most striking findings in political science is the democratic peace: the absence of war between democracies. Some authors attempt to explain this phenomenon by highlighting the role of public opinion. They observe that democratic leaders are beholden to voters and argue that voters oppose war because of its human and financial costs. This logic predicts that democracies should behave peacefully in general, but history shows that democracies avoid war primarily in their relations with other democracies. In this article we investigate not whether democratic publics are averse to war in general, but whether they are especially reluctant to fight other democracies. We embedded experiments in public opinion polls in the United States and the United Kingdom and found that individuals are substantially less supportive of military strikes against democracies than against otherwise identical autocracies. Moreover, our experiments suggest that shared democracy pacifies the public primarily by changing perceptions of threat and morality, not by raising expectations of costs or failure. These findings shed light on a debate of enduring importance to scholars and policy makers.


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