governmental politics
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Author(s):  
Tiola

This article examines Indonesia’s perceptions, strategies and policies towards the USA and China under the presidencies of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (2004–2014) and Joko Widodo’s first term and early second term (2014–2020). It argues that on a strategic level, Indonesia’s behaviours are in line with structural realist principles, where it adopts a prudent approach of maintaining its strategic autonomy. However, deviations from structural realism are identified in the operationalisation of this strategy into specific foreign and security policies. This article explains such deviations by employing Graham Allison and Philip Zelikow’s models of decision-making, and argues that such suboptimal policies are driven by two domestic political factors, namely, organisational behaviour and governmental politics. Specifically, the article highlights two key tendencies: (a) that policy makers tend to stick to some a priori guidelines within their organisations, despite changes in external pressures; and (b) that policies tend to be by-products of competition between government organisations. In Indonesia–China relations, these tendencies are most apparent in Indonesia’s approach in the South China Sea, where policies and narratives articulated by the government have been largely stagnant, despite increased intensity of China’s activities in Indonesia’s Exclusive Economic Zone. With regard to the USA, these factors manifest in the lack of tangible progress in defence and security cooperation between the two countries, due to a static interpretation of Indonesia’s Free and Active foreign policy maxim.


Author(s):  
NIKOS LAMBRINOS ◽  
Efthimios-Spyridon Georgiou

This project refers to the construction of a 3D map of Thessaloniki’s historical route. The Yedi Kule Conquest – Monument Road Race took place in the old city of Thessaloniki, which was built during the Byzantine and Ottoman period.  The purpose of this project is the digital recording of the castles, the monuments, the old churches, the traditional buildings, and the squares which are prime examples of the architectural beauty of the place. The methodology of the project is based on the online software Google Earth Studio and Adobe Premiere Pro. These are the tools of digitization, rendering, and building process of the animation. With this methodology, the authors achieved the documentation of land use and the architectural landscape. The animation is a credible graphic index of the historical background of Thessaloniki. The Yedi Kule area constitutes of a cultural mosaic made from different historic periods. The buildings and the neighbourhoods give the sense of transition of the narrow roads, the old Christian churches, the house of the first Turkish governor, and the byzantine castle to the modern city. In Thessaloniki, three historic periods coexist the Ancient Greek/Roman, the Byzantine, and Ottoman Empire. The responsibility of the governmental politics and of every citizen of Thessaloniki is to promote and preserve the historic background of the city. The final product offers a good opportunity for the digital storage of Thessaloniki’s old city. The animation creates an interactive environment that portrays the current image of the transition from the old to a modern city.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 136
Author(s):  
Athula Withanawasam

This article is about the agreement and consensus between government and rebellion groups during war politics with special reference to Ampara district in Sri Lanka. The article argues that war causes transforming normal pattern of politics if we perceive of war as power struggle. The article further argues that to understand politics and power struggle during war requires conceptualization of war politics. Therefore, this article has attempted to conceptualize war politics and applied it to understand the nature and content of war politics in Sri Lanka in general and in Ampara district in particular during the period of protracted civil war. The data for the study were collected from both primary and secondary sources. Primary data were extracted from the extensive field works while secondary data were collected from desk analysis. The above data were descriptively analyzed and presented in this paper as summaries of arguments and author’s interpretation. This study has found that war causes dual power making civilians and officers becoming clueless on whose orders were to be obeyed because war resulted in crisis of the state. The study has also found that war politics results in syndromes of incapacitated, establishment of dual power and existence of reciprocal understanding between government and rebellion groups during war. The study concludes that there is a probability of an emerging agreement and consensus between actors of governmental politics and war politics during wars to achieve their strategic objectives.


2021 ◽  
pp. 12-25
Author(s):  
Yu.N. Antochin ◽  
◽  
V.V. Ivashchenko ◽  
S.V. Murashova ◽  
N.A. Trynchenkov ◽  
...  

Authors explore results of realization of governmental politics of the Russian Federation in the stimulation development and integration of innovations area in the period of 2010-2019 as in general and in the health sphere especially. It is established that systematic increasing of budget on the scientific researches and designing even if infrastructure has already developed don’t allow to reach comparable level of innovative and publishing activity in comparison to the countries where the main part of the budget on the scientific researches and designing is business money. The reason is the low level of relevance in scientific researches and designing and also businesses are not interested in developing their results and introduction into their own production. Authors add a recommendation of modernization of the system by creating grants through strengthening public-private partnership at the stage of formulating tasks for grants.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 1075-1083
Author(s):  
Carmela Murdocca ◽  
◽  
Laura Kwak

The special issue addresses several overlapping though not exclusive themes: Foucault’s theorization of modern power and in particular, his thinking in relation to his lectures on governmentality, the politics of resistance, and processes of neoliberalism. The contributions are animated by several questions: How do citizens and marginalized (or stateless) people negotiate law and regulation from the margins through experiences of assimilation or exclusion?; What role does racialization play in these processes?; How has neoliberalism or new processes of globalization opened up questions of individualism, freedom, autonomy, responsibilization, empowerment, rights (in several different spheres): the environment, queer and sexual politics, policing and protest, governmental politics, migration, refugee protection, and humanitarianism? Este número especial se ocupa de diversos temas que se solapan pero no son exclusivos: la teorización de Foucault del poder contemporáneo y, más concretamente, su pensamiento sobre sus lecciones acerca de la gobernabilidad, las políticas de resistencia y los procesos de neoliberalismo. Los artículos están motivados por diversas preguntas: ¿Cómo negocian los ciudadanos y los pueblos marginalizados (o sin Estado) el derecho y la regulación desde los márgenes a través de experiencias de asimilación o exclusión? ¿Qué rol juega la racialización en estos procesos? ¿Cómo el neoliberalismo o los nuevos procesos de globalización han abierto preguntas sobre el individualismo, la libertad, la autonomía, la responsabilización, el empoderamiento, los derechos (en distintas esferas), el medio ambiente, las políticas queer y sexuales, la labor policial y las protestas, políticas gubernamentales, migración, protección de refugiados, y humanitarismo?


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 340
Author(s):  
Sepus M. Fatem ◽  
Yaved Syuf ◽  
Josepina Baru ◽  
Jonni Marwa ◽  
Yubelince Y. Runtuboi ◽  
...  

The Sausapor Declaration has served as a stepping stone towards convening and balancing the dynamics of governmental politics, conservation efforts, the protection of customary communities’ rights, and the sustainable management of natural resources in Tambrauw District. The Declaration supported the establishment of Tambrauw as a Conservation District, while also acknowledging the rights of customary communities in shaping political priorities of the local government, which include: a) stewardship of extensive remaining tropical forests (91.9% forest cover); b) management of protected areas, which represent 77-80% of the total area of the District; c) acknowledging the cultural traditions of five major indigenous groups; and, d) securing the active support of formal institutions for these goals. Two stages have shaped the effort to establish the Conservation District.  The first stage involved the period prior to the formal declaration, while the second ecompasses development and implementation of related policies.  Establishing local regulations and protecting local communities required extensive lobbying with the provincial and national government, as well as advocacy in various seminars, including both national and international conferences that provided strategic opportunities for securing support for the Conservation District. These steps have been instrumental in gaining legitimacy and public support for relevant conservation policies and for protecting the rights of customary communities. As one example, the review of Tambrauw spatial planning documents  (RTRW) led to prioritizing eco-tourism as a leading sector for economic development, along with the creation of an overall agropolitan and renewable energy strategy.


2020 ◽  
pp. 147892992090195
Author(s):  
Rahime Süleymanoğlu-Kürüm

This paper studies the sociology of elites and the role of cliques on the foreign policy-making process through an exploratory case study of Turkish Ministry for Foreign Affairs. It identifies elite sociology as the independent variable triggering a policy-making process in the Turkish Ministry for Foreign Affairs in line with organisational process or governmental politic approaches. It shows that until the 1980s, the Turkish Ministry for Foreign Affairs was marked by strong hierarchical tradition triggered by a certain career path and cliqueism leading to the homogeneity in the sociology of elites. This in turn triggered a foreign policy-making process based on organisational process. The role of cliqueism weakened along with the incremental circulation of elites in the post-1980s and particularly in the post-2005 period as the elite structure in the Turkish Ministry for Foreign Affairs became even more heterogeneous, foreign policy-making process moved towards governmental politics which allowed taking into account diverse schools of thought. Nevertheless, newly emerging programmatic elites employed deliberate efforts for elite circulation by altering the dominant career path and relying on political appointments. The resulting outcome was the emergence of a new clique of ruling elites subordinate to political elites which led to the politicisation of the foreign policy decision-making process in the post-2011 period.


Author(s):  
Eugeniusz Michalski

The main aim of this paper is analyzed the role, importance and methodology for creating the strategies for international competition, as well as the ways of implementing and evaluating the selected strategies. This is done by applying exploratory, descriptive and casual methods to outperform competitors and determine the scope of an enterprise’s engagement in international business. The article examines forces and steps of planning, implementing and evaluating a business strategy. Enterprises must recognize and compare the factors that compose foreign environments, especially the state and local governmental politics, legal regulations, economic and financial forces, cultural differences, business ethics, technological development, infrastructure, natural resources protections, sociological and demographic issues. Three competitive strategies have been distinguished: cost leadership, differentiation and focus. Virtues of M. Porter’s five forces model: threat of new entry, competitive rivalry, supplier power, buyer power and threat of substitutes have been considered. The selection of the target markets and recognizing customers preferences belong to the most important tasks of strategic planning. An enterprise can select three levels of international involvement: passive participation, active involvement and taking the international position. Foreign countries impose barriers on international trade, but international agreements facilitate healthy competition.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jocelyn Smith

<p>Whenever there is a major political event and the #TheBachelor live-tweeting continues, or popular online media outlets such as Jezebel go ahead with their pre-planned celebrity gossip coverage, there is outrage: seemingly, it is impossible to keep up with—and care about—both the Kardashians and election campaigns. During the 2016 United States’ election, however, this outrage emerged from within campaign coverage, drawing a line between “serious political supporter” (who is interested in facts and policy) and “emotional fangirl” (who is interested in memes, feelings, and “girl power” above all).</p><p>Despite Donald Trump’s history of reality TV and non-political celebrity, Hillary Clinton’s supporters were called “fangirls” and accused of celebrity-worship, of solely getting their news from “pop” media like BuzzFeed—where foreign policy coverage is found alongside discussions of how “dead” we are from a Clinton eye-roll—and of allowing fandom to cloud political judgment. This paper is not engaging in the “fake news” debate; rather, this paper explores the intersection of political celebrity and politician in a moment when governmental politics, celebrity, social media, and reality TV are overlapping in unprecedented ways, as well as the intersection of “serious” political campaigning and fannish pleasure in an historic moment for women in American politics.</p>


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