Public Opinion and the Democratic Peace

2013 ◽  
Vol 107 (4) ◽  
pp. 849-865 ◽  
Author(s):  
MICHAEL R. TOMZ ◽  
JESSICA L. P. WEEKS

One of the most striking findings in political science is the democratic peace: the absence of war between democracies. Some authors attempt to explain this phenomenon by highlighting the role of public opinion. They observe that democratic leaders are beholden to voters and argue that voters oppose war because of its human and financial costs. This logic predicts that democracies should behave peacefully in general, but history shows that democracies avoid war primarily in their relations with other democracies. In this article we investigate not whether democratic publics are averse to war in general, but whether they are especially reluctant to fight other democracies. We embedded experiments in public opinion polls in the United States and the United Kingdom and found that individuals are substantially less supportive of military strikes against democracies than against otherwise identical autocracies. Moreover, our experiments suggest that shared democracy pacifies the public primarily by changing perceptions of threat and morality, not by raising expectations of costs or failure. These findings shed light on a debate of enduring importance to scholars and policy makers.

Author(s):  
Russell J. Dalton

A long intellectual tradition links the different historical experiences in Canada and the United States (U.S.) to continuing contrasts in their political cultures. New evidence from contemporary public opinion polls highlights more cultural similarities between nations than differences. In broad value priorities, Canadians and Americans are more similar to each other than to the citizens in most other advanced industrial democracies. Feelings of national identity and trust in government are also strikingly similar across these two nations. The norms of good citizenship are very comparable. And perhaps most surprising of all, images of the appropriate role of government overlap substantially. In short, the rhetoric of cultural differences is less apparent in the reality of public opinion surveys.


Author(s):  
Roland Wenzlhuemer

Historical research has recently discovered its interest in the study of transregional and global networks of communication and their significance for the so-called “shrinking of the world”. In this context, the emergence and the role of a global telegraph network since the middle of the nineteenth century has started to attract scholarly attention. The foundations of this network have mostly been laid by actors from the United Kingdom, the United States, and other important colonial powers. The role of smaller European or non-European states and their position in the emerging global network has rarely been examined. Switzerland usually only enters this discussion as the host of the International Telegraph Union (ITU), which played a decisive role in the development of international telegraphic standards. However, Switzerland’s role within the network and the ways Swiss actors made use of telegraphic communication during the nineteenth century have not been studied so far. This study seeks to fill this gap by examining the development of telegraphy in Switzerland as well as the position of the country within a wider European and global communication network. It looks at a number of markers regarding telegraphic development in Switzerland, both from a structural and from a use perspective. The overall goal is to test how well-developed the Swiss telegraph network was during the period of observation and how the country compares to other European (and some non-European) countries. It aims to shed light on how Switzerland was structurally integrated into a wider European and global network, and on how intensively the existing infrastructure was put to use. Furthermore, the study aims to reveal what other countries across the globe the Swiss chose to communicate with telegraphically.


Author(s):  
William W. Franko ◽  
Christopher Witko

Here the authors present the variation that exists in income inequality across the states, and variation in public awareness or concern about income inequality as measured by public opinion polls. Though politicians may decide to tackle income inequality even in the absence of public concern about inequality, the authors argue that government responses are more likely when and where there is a growing awareness of, and concern about, inequality, which is confirmed in the analyses in this book. To examine this question in subsequent chapters, a novel measure of public awareness of rising state inequality is developed. Using these estimates, this chapter shows that the growth in the public concern about inequality responds in part to objective increases in inequality, but also that state political conditions, particularly mass partisanship, shape perceptions of inequality.


2012 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 473-476
Author(s):  
TAKASHI INOGUCHI

This special issue focuses on the role of civil society in international relations. It highlights the dynamics and impacts of public opinion on international relations (Zaller, 1992). Until recently, it was usual to consider public opinion in terms of its influence on policy makers and in terms of moulding public opinion in the broad frame of the policy makers in one's country. Given that public opinion in the United States was assessed and judged so frequently and diffused so globally, it was natural to frame questions guided by those concepts which pertained to the global and domestic context of the United States.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason Roy ◽  
Shane P. Singh ◽  
Patrick Fournier

Public opinion polls have become increasingly prominent during elections, but how they affect voting behaviour remains uncertain. In this work, we estimate the effects of poll exposure using an experimental design in which we randomly assign the availability of polls to participants in simulated election campaigns. We draw upon results from ten independent experiments conducted across six countries on four continents (Argentina, Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, and the United States) to examine how polls affect the amount of information individuals seek and the votes that they cast. We further assess how poll effects differ according to individual-level factors, such as partisanship and political sophistication, and the content included in polls and how it is presented. Our work provides a comprehensive assessment of the power of polls and the implications for poll reporting in contemporary elections.


1973 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 280-289
Author(s):  
René de Lacharrière

GENERAL ELECTIONS WERE HELD IN FRANCE ON 4 AND 11 MARCH 1973 for the renewal of the National Assembly which had been elected in June 1968. The interesting fact about them was that the public opinion polls had forecast some weeks before the date set for the elections that there was a very real possibility of a victory for the alliance concluded between the united socialists and communists, and some left-wing radicals, on a common platform of reforms and of government. This socialist-communist coalition did not, in fact, win, but the majority party's share fell from 372 to 275 seats, out of 487, while the total number of votes cast for it was less than that cast for the left.


Author(s):  
Juan Reyes del Campillo Lona

This paper analyzes the stages of the 2006 election in Mexico City and examines the social conflict that polarized the political figures as well as the electorate. It also talks about the selection process of the candidates, particularly those of the ruling party, as well as the campaigns and their impact on the public opinion polls and, finally, it analyzes the final results. The election showed an evident division or tension line among the electorate that entails a strong social and ideological content.


2015 ◽  
pp. 44-57
Author(s):  
Lilian Yamamoto

Death penalty has been present in most part of Japanese history. In the opposite direction of the majority of the developed countries, there is not any short-medium term perspective it will be abolished from the Japanese penal system. This article intends to investigate what are the reasons for the predominance of its favorable position and its retention, in special, the public opinion and governmental politics. Before that, it will analyze the evolution of its execution methods, a discussion of its constitutionality, as well as its retentionist reasonings. Eventually, it aims to demonstrate that the public opinion polls can generate results according to the interests of those who carry them out.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document