MORO - A DESTABILIZING FACTOR IN THE PHILIPPINES: ATTEMPTS TO SOLVE THE PROBLEM

2020 ◽  
pp. 95-107
Author(s):  
Daria Panarina

The article is devoted to the problem of the Moro - Moslem minority in the southern Philippine island of Mindanao. The author provides a brief historical overview of the internal conflict between the Philippine government and Moslem separatists and analyzes the latest attempt by the state to resolve this conflict through the formation of the Bangsamoro autonomy (BAARM).

Author(s):  
Emmanuel Garcia ◽  
Jamil Paolo Francisco ◽  
Christopher Ed Caboverde
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Katrina Burgess

This book examines state–migrant relations in four countries with a long history of migration, regime change, and democratic fragility: Turkey, the Dominican Republic, Mexico, and the Philippines. It uses these cases to develop an integrative theory of the interaction between “diaspora-making” by states and “state-making” by diasporas. Specifically, it tackles three questions: (1) Under what conditions and in what ways do states alter the boundaries of political membership to reach out to migrants and thereby “make” diasporas? (2) How do these migrants respond? (3) To what extent does their response, in turn, transform the state? Through historical case narratives and qualitative comparison, the book traces the feedback loops among migrant profiles, state strategies of diaspora-making, party transnationalization, and channels of migrant engagement in politics back home. The analysis reveals that most migrants follow the pathways established by the state and thereby act as “loyal” diasporas but with important deviations that push states to alter rules and institutions.


2022 ◽  
pp. 089692052110702
Author(s):  
Filomin C. Gutierrez

The article problematizes state penality as a mechanism of repression of precarious workers through a war on drugs in the Philippines. The narratives of 27 arrested ‘drug personalities’ in Metro Manila tell of how methamphetamine energizes bodies and motivates minds for productive work. Bidding to be classified as willing and able workers and family men, the study’s participants orient to a moral stratification that pits the ‘moral versus immoral’ and the ‘hardworking versus lazy’. Qualifying their drug use as strategic and calculated, they uphold the neoliberal values of individual choice and accountability. Their support for the anti-drug campaign stems from their recognition of a drug problem and the socioemotional toll of the dysfunctions of living in the slums. While trade liberalization facilitates methamphetamine inflow, a war on drugs fuels an authoritarian populism. As the state reaffirms symbolic mission to protect its citizens, it blames precarity to a problem population.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 214-246
Author(s):  
Jely Agamao Galang

Abstract Between 1837 and 1882, the Spanish colonial government in the Philippines deported “undesirable” Chinese—vagrants, drunkards, unemployed, idlers, pickpockets, undocumented, and the “suspicious”—to various parts of the archipelago. Deportation, in this context, refers to the transportation or banishment of individuals deemed “dangerous” by the state to different far-flung areas of the islands or outside the colony but still within the Spanish empire. Deportation primarily served as a form of punishment and a means to rehabilitate and improve the wayward lives of “criminals.” This paper examines the deportation of “undesirable” Chinese in the nineteenth-century Philippines. Using underutilized primary materials from various archives in Manila and Madrid, it interrogates the actors, institutions and processes involved in banishing such individuals. It argues that while deportation served its punitive and reformative functions, Spanish authorities also used it to advance their colonial project in the islands. Chinese deportees formed part of the labor supply the state used to populate the colony’s frontier areas and strengthen its control over its newly-acquired territories.


2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
Norhabib Bin Suod Sumndad Barodi

The terrorism element attendant in an armed conflict does not alter its destructive nature vis-à-vis civilian properties. One example is the Marawi crisis where the Philippine security forces, in response to the threat to national security, territorial integrity, and sovereignty, resorted to aerial bombings and shelling of private buildings, residential houses, and masajid infiltrated by local terrorists, resulting in the destruction of these civilian properties. This article addresses the issue of non-compensability of these civilian property losses. Arguments in favour of and against non-compensability are presented against the backdrop of the concept of reparations in both international law and Philippine domestic law. Based on existing legal realities in Philippine domestic law and jurisprudence, this article finds that reparations in the form of compensation in the context of the Marawi crisis may not be imposed upon the Philippine government as a legal obligation. However, Philippine domestic law and jurisprudence likewise provides for sufficient grounds that reparations in the form of compensation has become the moral obligation of the Philippine government, which it must pursue in the name of justice under a regime of rule of law. Yet ironically, while justice especially during the transition is the ultimate objective of reparations both in its moral and legal contexts, it is only in the latter context that reparations may be pursued judicially. In the final analysis, the non-compensability issue, though a legal one, is a question of choice on the part of the Philippine government.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Willy L Mondia ◽  
Adrian I Espiritu ◽  
Julette Marie F Batara ◽  
Roland Dominic G Jamora

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 364
Author(s):  
Yanzah Bagas Nugraha ◽  
Dwi Andayani Budisetyowati

The establishment of the Regional Representative Council of the Republic of Indonesia so called Dewan Perwakilan Daerah (DPD-RI) at least has two objectives. The first is to enhance justice for the people in the region. Secondly, to expanding and increasing the participation of local communities in national life. The process to form this state institution is done by amending the 3rd amendment of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic Indonesia. However, in doing that  amendment there was an internal conflict within the body of DPD-RI involving the old and the new leaders of this institution last year. The length of leadership tenure which was initially made 5 years was amended to became 2.5 years. The different length of leadership tenure was then canceled by the Supreme Court and it was decided to be the same as other institution such as The People’s Consultative Assembly and The House of Representative in that the leadership tenure should be in accordance with the electoral cycle of 5 years. However, although the regulation of DPD-RI has been canceled, the Supreme Court keeps sending its representative to guide the oath of position of the new DPD-RI leadership. The only regulation that has been introduced by the state was regulation toward conflict between state institutions and this conflict can merely be resolved by the Constitutional Court. Therefore, there is an urgent need for the state to seek solution to solve this problem to prevent the same thing happened to other state institution in the future.


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