Populist narration of the Freedom Party of Austria before the presidential election in 2016

2017 ◽  
pp. 88-100
Author(s):  
Justyna Miecznikowska
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Conspiracy Theory ◽  
Final Decision ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Technical Problems ◽  
The People ◽  
Head Of State

The election of the head of state in Austria in 2016 was in many ways a breakthrough and its course was surprising. Norbert Hofer, a right-wing populist candidate of the Freedom Party of Austria, made it to the second round of presidential election. Technical problems related to the organisation of the presidential election postponed the final decision until December 2016. The aim of this article is to present the main elements of the populist narrative propagated by the FPÖ during the election campaign. The party reached for a well-known arsenal of means, trying to convince voters to their candidate. It underlined the protection of national identity, the defence of the interests of Austria in the European Union, declarations of strengthening the position of president and the inclusion of the people in the governing through direct democracy. The populist rhetoric recurred as well to its permanent elements: criticism of the establishment and the conspiracy theory of the Austrian elite aiming to prevent or postpone the victory of a FPÖ candidate.

scholarly journals Populism and exclusionary narratives: The ‘other’ in Podemos’ 2014 European Union election campaign

2017 ◽  
Vol 32 (6) ◽  
pp. 552-567 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen Sanders ◽  
María Jesús Molina Hurtado ◽  
Jessica Zoragastua
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Methodological Approach ◽  
Parliamentary Election ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
The People ◽  
Discursive Positioning ◽  
Dramatistic Pentad

Populist political parties have become a key feature of the European political landscape. In addition to claiming to be identified with the people, many of these parties are characterized by exclusionary narratives which centre on groups such as immigrants and religious minorities, a feature considered by many analysts as specific to right-wing populism. Left-wing populism is frequently defined as sharing right-wing populism’s identification with the people and its anti-elitism but not its attachment to exclusionary narratives. This study joins other recent work in challenging that assumption, providing evidence for the contention that anti-elitism is also a form of excluding populist communication. Using Van Dijk’s methodological approach to the analysis of the discursive positioning of ‘Us/Them’ and elements of Burke’s dramatistic pentad, this article examines the party and electoral communication of Podemos, the self-described, left-wing populist Spanish political party, from its foundation in January 2014 up until the close of the European Union parliamentary election campaign in May 2014. The study shows that an exclusionary narrative was integral to Podemos’ campaign communication in that a group of people identified as the caste ( la casta) constituted the stigmatized out-group in contraposition to the in-group of the ‘people’ which included immigrants and the leaders of Podemos. This suggests that populist parties or politicians of all ideological stripes may be characterized by exclusionary and stigmatizing narratives.

The end of an ideology? Right-wing antisemitism in France, 1944–1970

1994 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 365-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard C. Vinen
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Jewish Population ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Arab Nationalism ◽  
German Occupation ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Presidential Election Campaign

ABSTRACTIt is normally assumed that antisemitism in post-war France needs to be understood primarily in the light of the German occupation of 1940–4. This article seeks to describe the relationship between political antisemitism and events after 1945. Special attention is given to the issue that obsessed a large part of the French right: the loss of Algeria. It is argued that between 1954 and 1962 right-wingers came to took on the Jewish population of Algeria, which was often fervently opposed to French withdrawal, with new favour. Furthermore, many right-wingers began to admire Israel, which seemed so successful in combating Arab nationalism and which was widely believed to have links with the Organisation de l' Arméte Secrète. Changes in attitudes to Israel and the Jews were linked with a wider change in the French right that had been going on since 1945: most of the right now focused their loyalties around ‘l' occident’ a block of nations led by America and including Israel rather than around the France that was so important to Gaullist thinking. Finally, an attempt is made to show how the French right's new attitude to the Jews influenced its reaction to the 1965 Presidential election campaign, de Gaulle's denunciation of Israel in 1967 and the student riots of 1968.

Friends or foes? Europe and ‘the people’ in the representations of populist parties

Politics ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 026339572093853
Author(s):  
Juan Roch
Keyword(s):  
Right Wing ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Reciprocal Influence ◽  
The People ◽  
Precise Relationship ◽  
Hierarchical Relation ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Populist Party

This article seeks to shine a light on the diversity of populist discourses about Europe and the European Union (EU). It is built upon the existing literature on populist Euroscepticism to elaborate on two underexplored aspects of the relationship between populist discourses and EU contestation. First, it explores the variable and even ambivalent representations of the EU and its main political processes exhibited by populist actors. Second, it focuses on the precise relationship between populism and the representations of the EU to determine whether there is a hierarchical relation, reciprocal influence, or they function as separated ideational ensembles. This research takes a corpus-assisted approach to discourse analysis that is based on the exploration of manifestos and party leadership speeches between 2013 and 2017 of Podemos in Spain, a left-wing populist party, and the Alternative für Deutschland in Germany, a right-wing populist party. The findings reveal that the populist discourse has variable effects on the forms of EU contestation depending on its centrality and that ambivalence is a crucial feature to capture the forms of EU contestation of populist parties. Finally, the article draws several theoretical implications for the research on populism and EU contestation.

scholarly journals ОТКАЗ ОТ ОБВИНИТЕЛЬНОГО УКЛОНА В СТАДИИ ДОСУДЕБНОГО РАССЛЕДОВАНИЯ – ОДИН ИЗ ПУТЕЙ ЗАЩИТЫКОНСТИТУЦИОННЫХ ПРАВ ГРАЖДАН (REFUSAL OF THE ACCUSATORY BIAS AT THE STAGE OF PRE-TRIAL INVESTIGATION IS ONE OF THE WAYS TO PROTECT THE CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS OF CITIZENS)

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Renat Shaikhadenov
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Judicial System ◽  
Criminal Prosecution ◽  
Constitutional Rights ◽  
Law Enforcement Agencies ◽  
Technical Problems ◽  
The People ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Administration Of Justice ◽  
The Republic

The article deals with the issues of reforming the law enforcement and judicial system in the protection of constitutional rights and freedoms of citizens, which was raised in recent years by the Head of state Kassym-Jomrt Kemelovich in his Address to the people of Kazakhstan on September 1, 2020. In the system of law enforcement agencies, there is still an accusatory bias from which it is still not possible to get rid of. The stage where the greatest violation of the constitutional rights of citizens involved in the orbit of criminal prosecution occurs is the pre-trial stage of the investigation. Therefore, special attention should be paid to this stage of the criminal process. In addition, a significant layer of problems is not only in the procedural, but also in the organizational and legal sphere. In this regard, the provisions of the CPC of the Republic of Kazakhstan related to evidentiary activities in pre-trial proceedings should be considered in the format of new tasks and updated functions of the pre-trial investigation bodies, the Prosecutor, the investigating judge and the lawyer. If Kazakhstan resolves the question repeatedly raised by the Leader of the nation about the true, rather than illusory, institutional independence of the judge in the administration of justice within the judicial system itself, then procedural and technical problems, including the deformalization of evidence, will become secondary and will be resolved in a fair trial without the influence of the materials of the criminal case in any form.

Centre-left parties and the European Union: what next?

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabelle Hertner
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
European Union ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Power Dynamics ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The European Union ◽  
External Constraint ◽  
Multi Level

This concluding chapter first summarises the key findings of this book. It states that European integration - as an external constraint - cannot be made solely responsible for the erosion of intra-party democracy. Rather, it argues that the three centre-left parties have (to varying degrees) missed the opportunity to adapt their organisations to this multi-level reality. Despite recent attempts by the leaderships of the three parties to empower the grassroots, for example through the use of referendums and policy consultations, deep and meaningful debates on the European Union remain rare. As a consequence, the broader party organisations lack EU-savvy and the means to scrutinise the leadership. The chapter then reflects on intra-party democracy, power dynamics and accountability inside the parties of the centre-left. It argues that assembly-based modes of decision-making are slower and more cumbersome, but more suitable than direct democracy, when it comes to EU matters. Last but not least, this chapter highlights the current challenges faced by the centre-left in Europe, such as the lack of a coherent EU narrative and the adoption of right-wing policies.

scholarly journals Politik Identitas dalam Pemilihan Presiden 2019 (Analisis Framing Pemberitaan Kampanye Pilpres 2019 pada Medcom.id)

Koneksi ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 358
Author(s):  
Laylia Farida ◽  
Muhammad Gafar Yoedtadi
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Online Media ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Framing Analysis ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
The People ◽  
The Media ◽  
Presidential Election Campaign

2019 is one of the years which is considered quite a sense for the people of Indonesia, this year the presidential and vice presidential elections reunite Joko Widodo and Prabowo Subianto as presidential candidates. During the 2019 presidential election campaign, the issue of identity politics strengthened in the community. Political actors often use an identity to attract the attention and support of potential voters. The media which are supposed to be independent are actually trapped in the issue of identity politics. Reporting on online media is often influenced by the ideology and interests of media that are reflected in the framing of the news carried out by that media. This Study aims to describe the framing carried out by medcom.id in reporting the 2019 presidential election campaign. This study uses a qualitative approach with framing analysis from Robert N. Entman. The results of this study indicate that medcom.id is proven to be framing using identity politics in reporting the 2019 presidential election campaign. Identity politics framing conducted by medcom.id is news containing SARA (Ethnicity, Religion, Ancestry, and Group of People)Tahun 2019 merupakan salah satu tahun politik yang dinilai cukup panas bagi masyarakat Indonesia, pada tahun ini pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden kembali mempertemukan Joko Widodo dan Prabowo Subianto sebagai calon presiden. Pada kampanye Pilpres 2019 kemarin, isu politik identitas menguat di masyarakat. Para aktor politik sering kali menggunakan sebuah identitas untuk menarik perhatian serta dukungan calon pemilihnya di masyarakat. Media yang seharusnya independen justru terjebak dalam isu politik identitas tersebut. Pemberitaan pada media online seringkali dipengaruhi oleh ideologi dan kepentingan pemilik media yang tergambar pada pembingkaian berita yang dilakukan oleh media tersebut. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menggambarkan pembingkaian yang dilakukan oleh portal berita media online medcom.id dalam memberitakan kampanye pemilihan presiden 2019. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan analisis framing Robert N. Entman. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa medcom.id terbukti melakukan pembingkaian dengan menggunakan politik identitas dalam pemberitaan kampanye Pilpres 2019. Pembingkaian politik identitas yang dilakukan oleh medcom.id adalah pemberitaan yang mengandung SARA (suku, agama, ras dan antar golongan).

scholarly journals The Evolution of Populism in South America: Was J. Bolsonaro’s Victory in the 2018 Brazilian Presidential Election a Precedent or a Model for the Region?

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-80
Author(s):  
Vladimir G. Ivanov
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Remarkable Case ◽  
Brazilian Society ◽  
The Moment

The article analyzes the election campaign, public discourse, and policies of J. Bolsonaro as the President of Brazil. The new President represents the model of an irreconcilable right-wing populist who focuses on US foreign policy. Bolsonaro’s rise to power came amid the crisis of left-wing populism in Brazil. The article raises the question: whether Bolsonaro’s victory is a remarkable case or a new effective model of public policy and political leadership for Brazil and other countries in the region? The author concludes that it depends largely on J. Bolsonaro’s success as the President. At the moment, the interim results of his presidency are highly controversial and continue to divide and polarize Brazilian society.

Religion and Mythology in the Chilembwe Rising of 1915 in Nyasaland and the Easter Rising of 1916 in Ireland: Preparing for the End Times?

2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-66
Author(s):  
T. Jack Thompson
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Religious Motivation ◽  
Easter Rising ◽  
British Rule ◽  
The People ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Interesting Difference ◽  
Racial Injustice ◽  
Book Of Daniel ◽  
End Times

Superficially there are many parallels between the Chilembwe Rising of 1915 in Nyasaland and the Easter Rising of 1916 in Ireland – both were anti-colonial rebellions against British rule. One interesting difference, however, occurs in the way academics have treated John Chilembwe, leader of the Nyasaland Rising, and Patrick Pearse, one of the leaders of the Irish Rising and the man who was proclaimed head of state of the Provisional government of Ireland. For while much research on Pearse has dealt with his religious ideas, comparatively little on Chilembwe has looked in detail at his religious motivation – even though he was the leader of an independent church. This paper begins by looking at some of the major strands in the religious thinking of Pearse, before going on to concentrate on the people and ideas which influenced Chilembwe both in Nyasaland and the United States. It argues that while many of these ideas were initially influenced by radical evangelical thought in the area of racial injustice, Chilembwe's thinking in the months immediately preceding his rebellion became increasingly obsessed by the possibility that the End Time prophecies of the Book of Daniel might apply to the current political position in Nyasaland. The conclusion is that much more academic attention needs to be given to the millennial aspects of Chilembwe's thinking as a contributory motivation for rebellion.

Magic and Politics

2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 5-14
Author(s):  
Sabina Magliocco
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
North America ◽  
Human Behavior ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
The United States ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Cultural Expression ◽  
Spirit World

This essay introduces a special issue of Nova Religio on magic and politics in the United States in the aftermath of the 2016 presidential election. The articles in this issue address a gap in the literature examining intersections of religion, magic, and politics in contemporary North America. They approach political magic as an essentially religious phenomenon, in that it deals with the spirit world and attempts to motivate human behavior through the use of symbols. Covering a range of practices from the far right to the far left, the articles argue against prevailing scholarly treatments of the use of esoteric technologies as a predominantly right-wing phenomenon, showing how they have also been operationalized by the left in recent history. They showcase the creativity of magic as a form of human cultural expression, and demonstrate how magic coexists with rationality in contemporary western settings.

Main Forms of Propagandistic Activities of the Right-Wing Parties (1904–1914)

2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 656-676
Author(s):  
Igor V. Omeliyanchuk
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Periodical Press ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Right ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
The 19Th Century

The article examines the main forms and methods of agitation and propagandistic activities of monarchic parties in Russia in the beginning of the 20th century. Among them the author singles out such ones as periodical press, publication of books, brochures and flyers, organization of manifestations, religious processions, public prayers and funeral services, sending deputations to the monarch, organization of public lectures and readings for the people, as well as various philanthropic events. Using various forms of propagandistic activities the monarchists aspired to embrace all social groups and classes of the population in order to organize all-class and all-estate political movement in support of the autocracy. While they gained certain success in promoting their ideology, the Rights, nevertheless, lost to their adversaries from the radical opposition camp, as the monarchists constrained by their conservative ideology, could not promise immediate social and political changes to the population, and that fact was excessively used by their opponents. Moreover, the ideological paradigm of the Right camp expressed in the “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality” formula no longer agreed with the social and economic realities of Russia due to modernization processes that were underway in the country from the middle of the 19th century.

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