Stone blocks surpluses? Reconstruction of the building process and architectural form of Marina el-Alamein hypogea

2020 ◽  
pp. 347-364
Author(s):  
Szymon Popławski

The monumental rock-cut tombs of the Graeco-Roman necropolis at the site of Marina el-Alamein on the Egyptian Mediterranean coast, today a sightseeing icon following restoration work by the Polish team, have produced significant information about the town, its inhabitants, and burial traditions. Different aspects of the tombs and their content have already been discussed, but without going into the details of the architectural building process. This paper focuses on ancient quarrying and masonry techniques in an effort to reconstruct the process as applied to the large hypogea. An estimate of the volume of stone material sourced during the execution of the underground parts of these tombs was compared with the reconstructed demand for stone ashlars used in the aboveground superstructures. The issue to be examined in this context is whether the tomb hypogea could have produced a surplus of stone building material, thus serving as a quarry for the city itself.

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-57
Author(s):  
Husak S ◽  

The former church and monastery of the Discalced Carmelites, present Greek Catholic Michael the Archangel Church, is one of the most unexplored sacred buildings of Lviv. Despite its historical importance to the town, the few surviving documents list only donations and royal privileges. This article refers to examples of other Carmelite churches, as well as Italian religious houses to try to explain the possible building process. Not only them but also the already existing convents of the city shaped its form, which is significant for locating its history within the local building tradition.


Author(s):  
Serhiy Humennyi

The article deals with the problem of the influence of Sovietization and decommunization on the urban environment of modern Ternopil region: the cities of Ternopil and Zalishchyky and the town of Skala-Podilska. The author gives a detailed analysis of the changes that took place in 1939-1991 in their architectural form. It is stated that if Zalishchyky and Skala-Podilska have preserved to some extent the unique, pre-war building of the centre, having lost some primary monuments, logical city planning, sculpting and decor on the facades, then Ternopil has lost its historical heart almost wholly, becoming a typical socialist city. The reasons that caused the destruction, redevelopment or reconstruction of architectural ensembles and religious-cult objects in Ternopil territory were determined: 1. ideological (ideological opponents and the soviet regime became statues of saints, memorials and graves of participants of Ukrainian liberation competitions, etc; they were destroyed as monuments of national cultural or religious load); 2. Communist regime crackdowns and efforts to conceal their results (entrances to separate, underground premises of Ternopil have been destroyed since they became the mass graves of prisoners in the city prison (1941); 3. impossibility of further exploitation due to “irreparable damage” caused by military actions, lack of funds for reconstruction or absence of economically justified need for operation of the object (yes, in Ternopil a department store destroyed during the war); 4. adaptation of the object for the fulfilment of new functions (the Jesuit church in Ternopil in the postwar period was rebuilt in the premises of a garment factory); 5. human factor when the destruction of memorials occurred as a result of the personal initiative or passive position of party functionaries, “labour collectives” and the population of cities in general.Particular attention was paid to the restoration or reconstruction of architectural monuments and the elimination of totalitarian symbols in the process of decommunization in 1991 - the beginning of the 21st century. It was noted that as of 2016, there were virtually no monuments in Ternopil that had a communist ideological load.


Author(s):  
Clyde E. Fant ◽  
Mitchell G. Reddish

At one time one of the most important cities in Lycia, Myra almost has passed into obscurity. In addition to some interesting tombs and a theater, the most enduring legacy of ancient Myra is the tradition that developed around its most famous resident and bishop, St. Nicholas, who was the historical person behind the legend of Santa Claus. Popular etymology explained the name of the city as being derived from the Greek word for myrrh, an aromatic spice, but this is unlikely. Myra was a city in the Lycian region of Anatolia, along the Mediterranean coast approximately 85 miles southeast of modern Antalya. The ruins of ancient Myra lie about a mile north of Demre (or Kale), a small town along highway 400, the coastal road. Signs in the town point the way to Myra. The ancient city was considered a port city, even though it was about 3.5 miles from the coast. Its port was actually Andriace, but the name Myra often included the city proper and its port at Andriace. Thus, for example, when Acts 27:5 states that the ship carrying Paul landed at Myra, the actual port would likely have been Andriace. Whether Paul and the others with him went to Myra after disembarking from the ship is not known. The Myrus, or Andracus, River (Demre Çayï) flowed past the city on its way to the Mediterranean. Settled probably as early as the 5th century B.C.E., Myra became one of the leading cities of the Lycian League by the 2nd century B.C.E. Myra was one of the six most important members of the league, which consisted of twenty-three cities. As such, it was entitled to three votes in the league (the maximum allowed). In spite of its importance, the city does not seem to have played a major role in ancient history. During Roman times the city apparently enjoyed good relations with Rome. Augustus (and after him, Tiberius as well) was honored by the people of Myra by their bestowing on him the title of “imperator of land and sea, benefactor and savior of the whole universe.”


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (March 2018) ◽  
Author(s):  
S.A Okanlawon ◽  
O.O Odunjo ◽  
S.A Olaniyan

This study examined Residents’ evaluation of turning transport infrastructure (road) to spaces for holding social ceremonies in the indigenous residential zone of Ogbomoso, Oyo State, Nigeria. Upon stratifying the city into the three identifiable zones, the core, otherwise known as the indigenous residential zone was isolated for study. Of the twenty (20) political wards in the two local government areas of the town, fifteen (15) wards that were located in the indigenous zone constituted the study area. Respondents were selected along one out of every three (33.3%) of the Trunk — C (local) roads being the one mostly used for the purpose in the study area. The respondents were the residents, commercial motorists, commercial motorcyclists, and celebrants. Six hundred and forty-two (642) copies of questionnaire were administered and harvested on the spot. The Mean Analysis generated from the respondents’ rating of twelve perceived hazards listed in the questionnaire were then used to determine respondents’ most highly rated perceived consequences of the practice. These were noisy environment, Blockage of drainage by waste, and Endangering the life of the sick on the way to hospital; the most highly rated reasons why the practice came into being; and level of acceptability of the practice which was found to be very unacceptable in the study area. Policy makers should therefore focus their attention on strict enforcement of the law prohibiting the practice in order to ensure more cordial relationship among the citizenry, seeing citizens’ unacceptability of the practice in the study area.


2017 ◽  
Vol 72 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-111
Author(s):  
Florian Mazel

Dominique Iogna-Prat’s latest book, Cité de Dieu, cité des hommes. L’Église et l’architecture de la société, 1200–1500, follows on both intellectually and chronologically from La Maison Dieu. Une histoire monumentale de l’Église au Moyen Âge (v. 800–v. 1200). It presents an essay on the emergence of the town as a symbolic and political figure of society (the “city of man”) between 1200 and 1700, and on the effects of this development on the Church, which had held this function before 1200. This feeds into an ambitious reflection on the origins of modernity, seeking to move beyond the impasse of political philosophy—too quick to ignore the medieval centuries and the Scholastic moment—and to relativize the effacement of the institutional Church from the Renaissance on. In so doing, it rejects the binary opposition between the Church and the state, proposes a new periodization of the “transition to modernity,” and underlines the importance of spatial issues (mainly in terms of representation). This last element inscribes the book in the current of French historiography that for more than a decade has sought to reintroduce the question of space at the heart of social and political history. Iogna-Prat’s stimulating demonstration nevertheless raises some questions, notably relating to the effects of the Protestant Reformation, the increasing power of states, and the process of “secularization.” Above all, it raises the issue of how a logic of the polarization of space was articulated with one of territorialization in the practices of government and the structuring of society—two logics that were promoted by the ecclesial institution even before states themselves.


1919 ◽  
Vol 39 ◽  
pp. 110-115
Author(s):  
D. S. Robertson
Keyword(s):  
The City ◽  

In the discussion of Greek dramatic origins, a curious passage of Apuleius has never, so far as I know, been mentioned.In the second book of the Metamorphoses the hero Lucius describes a feast given at Hypata in Thessaly by his rich relative Byrrhena. After the feast Byrrhena informs him that an annual festival, coeval with the city, will be celebrated next day—a joyous ceremony, unique in the world, in honour of the god Laughter. She wishes that he could invent some humorous freak for the occasion. Lucius promises to do his best. Being very drunk, he then bids Byrrhena good-night, and departs with his slave for the house of Milo, his miserly old host. A gust blows out their torch, and they get home with difficulty, arm in arm. There they find three large and lusty persone violently battering the door. Lucius has been warned by his mistress, Milo's slave Fotis, against certain young Mohawks of the town—‘uesana factio nobilissimorum iuuenum’—who think nothing of murdering rich strangers. He at once draws his sword, and one by one stabs all three. Fotis, roused by the noise, lets him in and he quickly falls asleep.


1982 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 841-861
Author(s):  
Hojjat Adeli

abstract On 28 July 1981 at 17:22 UTC, the Kerman province of southern Iran was shaken by the largest and the most destructive earthquake in its history. Its surface-wave magnitude was about 7.2. The epicenter of the earthquake was located about 45 km southeast of the city of Kerman, the capital of the Kerman province. The shock killed nearly 3,000 people, left more than 31,000 homeless, and destroyed virtually all buildings in the epicentral region within a radius of 30 km. The hardest hit place was the town of Sirch where about 2,000 people died out of a population of 3,500. Surface fractures were observed in several areas, and the earthquake was apparently associated with a fresh surface normal faulting. The maximum vertical displacement was about 1 m. The maximum width of the fracture was 0.5 m. Also, extensive landsliding and numerous rockfalls were observed within the area of maximum damage. Most houses in the epicentral area are of adobe construction, made of sundried clay brick walls, and heavy domed roofs or vaults with clay or mud mortar. Most casualties were due to the collapse of these adobe buildings. However, the performance of unreinforced or reinforced brick buildings, historical monuments, steel buildings, and other types of structures during the earthquake is also discussed in this paper.


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