scholarly journals Chemical Castration as an Action Sanctions in Legal Perspectives and Bioethics

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 194
Author(s):  
Syaefudin Ali Akhmad ◽  
Zairin Harahap ◽  
Syarwani ◽  
Faris Velayati ◽  
Rohai Widati ◽  
...  

Background: The application of chemical castration sanctions is a form of solution issued by the Indonesia Government through the Law No. 17 of 2016 regarding Child Protection on the rampant cases of child sexual abuse. However, the imposition of sanctions is considered still many shortages in it. Starting from the element of uncertainty period of implementation, the negative side effects on the body, to the procedure and technical implementation of the castration actions contained in the article.Objective: The objective of this research is known as Chemical Castration Actions of sexual violence in the review of the perspective of the enforcement law, criminal law, human rights and bioethics.Methods: The authors useds qualitative research methods with descriptive and analytical research. The sources of data are based on the information contained in the literatures bibliography and based on the interviews result.Results: The result of this study shows that chemical castration from a criminal law perspective cannot be categorized as an action sanction. From the perspective of human rights law, the right to be free from condescending punishment is an absolute right which cannot be limited at all. In the bioethics perspective, chemical castration has violated the four principles of medical ethics/bioethics.Conclusion: Chemical castration cannot be claimedaction sanction of law because it violates theprinciples of bioethics whichin resulthumiliates the dignity of medical doctor profession.International Journal of Human and Health Sciences Vol. 05 No. 02 April’21 Page: 194-201

Author(s):  
Thomas Kruessmann

Criminal law is often described as the field of law that expresses the strongest national characteristics of a given jurisdiction and is the least amenable to change. Naturally, social rules providing some kind of penalty when violated have existed throughout the history of mankind. In Europe, the current understanding of criminal law has been shaped by Enlightenment thought, the ideas of human rights, liberalism and finally the national movements which led, inter alia, to the famous codifications of criminal law of the 19th century. In Russia, criminal law has certainly (not been isolated from the developments that took place in 19th century Europe. For example, the abolition of corporal punishment is but one good marker of humanisation. But compared to Europe, codified criminal law in Russia has been much less understood as the magna charta of the offender (Franz von Liszt), eventually leading to the study of human rights in criminal law. Rather, it has been viewed as the expression of the Tsars unfettered power to mete out punishment, - a line of thinking which indicates the continuing difficulty in Russian criminal law doctrine to accept limitations on the power of the legislator to criminalize. This paper will not deal with Russian doctrinal approaches to criminal law in a direct way. Instead, its purpose is to demonstrate the European Unions (EUs) current thinking on the effects that human rights have on the development of criminal law. As of today, criminal law is under a variety of influences among which the changing understanding of human rights is a very important one. In the Western world, there is a large amount of literature dealing with human rights and criminal law in general1 [1; 2], and it is hardly possible to come to an overall systematization. To be sure, there are parts of criminal law which have experienced very little change in light of human rights. One central tenet of human rights, for example, is the equality of men2 (in a pre-modern reading to include also women) which leads to the criminalization of slavery, slave trade, forced labor and trafficking in human beings. The smuggling of humans, on the other hand, is a much more controversial topic due to the fact that states show a strong desire to criminalize irregular migration. Another pillar of human rights is the human right to property3 which informs a whole range of criminal law provisions for violations of the right to property on land (theft, robbery, etc.) and on water (piracy). By comparison, the right to life is a more difficult concept. Human rights are behind the global drive for abolishing the death penalty4, but a number of other life-related issues are determined less by human rights than by religious and ethical views, such as the criminalization of abortion, aiding and abetting suicide, and euthanasia. Finally, a number of human rights are experiencing a very lively debate, e.g. freedom of speech5 [3] and freedom of religion, consequently there is also a high impact on the development of criminal law. European criminal law, understood as the total of the harmonized national criminal law systems of the EU Member states, offers a good example to study the effects of human rights. In the literature, there is the argument that changes in the understanding of human rights can lead both to criminalization and to de-criminalization. This has also been described as the «sword» function of human rights (using human rights to call for criminalization) and the «shield» function (using human rights law to call for limits to the use of criminal law and even de-criminalization) [1]. Both functions can be observed in a nutshell when analyzing the European criminal law that has emerged in the course of the last decade. For Russia, this article represents a (hopefully timely) contribution to the still nascent discussion on the effects of human rights on criminal law. Despite the Preamble to the newly adopted Constitution of the Russian Federation (RF) which affirms the role of human rights, Article 15 (4) Constitution RF limits the direct impact of human rights law to the universally accepted norms and principles of international law as well as to treaties concluded by the RF. The Constitution therefore appears to be closing the door to cutting-edge developments in international human rights law which are still not universally accepted.


Author(s):  
Rowan Cruft

The first half of Chapter 10 addresses criticisms of the conception of human rights developed in Chapter 9: that it overlooks how human rights law protects collective goods rather than the individual, and that it overlooks the centrality of the state as duty-bearer in human rights law. The author’s response includes noting that state-focused human rights law is only one way in which ‘natural’ human rights are institutionalized: criminal law and non-law policy also play human rights roles. The chapter’s second half argues that human rights not only exist ‘for the right-holder’s sake’ (as in Chapters 7–9) but are also rights whose protection is distinctively ‘everyone’s business’: rights with which any human anywhere can show solidarity by demanding their fulfilment. This does not imply that human rights violations in one state are equally every state’s business. The chapter ends by summarizing Part II (Chapters 7–10) as vindicating the idea of human rights.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 62
Author(s):  
Henny Yuningsih ◽  
I Nyoman Nurjaya ◽  
Prija Djatmika ◽  
Masruchin Ruba’I

The rate of sexual violence against children in Indonesia is very alarming. Perpetrators of sexual violence against children are usually adults close to the victim, including family members and neighbors. Sexual violence is a violation of human rights. Sexual violence deprives the victim of security and protection, the right to prosper physically and spiritually, the right to be free from torture or treatment that demean human dignity, and the right to live. Chemical castration stipulated in Law No. 17 of 2016 is a form of punishment that is not under criminal law policy in Indonesia, which is based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution. Chemical castration formulated in Article 81 Paragraph (7) is not following the values of Pancasila, especially the first principle, namely belief in One and Only God, and the second principle, just and civilized humanity. Substantially, the castration penalty causes an individual to lose the right to continue the lineage and fulfill basic needs as guaranteed in Article 28B paragraph (1) of the 1945 Constitution. The same thing is stated in Article 10, paragraph (1) of Law No. 39 of 1999 concerning Human Rights.


Author(s):  
Nur Hafizal Hasanah ◽  
Eko Soponyono

The sexual offense against children is a serious crime and an act of violation against human rights. One of the government is an attempt to anticipate the increase of sexual offense against children is to release Perpu No 1 of 2016 second amendment of UU No 23 of 2002 about child protection. Perpu No. 1 is then passed into UU No. 17 of 2016 about stipulation of Perpu No. 1 of 2016. The regulation of the Perpu is about the denunciation of the perpetrator of a sexual offense, an especially sexual offense against children. The perpu also regulates the existence of criminal sanction and action sanction. The action referred to in the Perpu in the form of chemical castration and accompanied by rehabilitation.  Research method uses normative research method by using the Statue approach and the analytical and conceptual approach. the implementation of chemistry castration is considered a violation of human rights. Penalties through castration can be qualified as a cruel and inhuman punishment and not in accordance with Indonesia's constitution and commitment in the field of human rights. The provision of article 28G paragraph (2) of the Indonesian constitution states that "everyone has the right to be free from torture and degrading treatment of human dignity". Implementation of chemistry castration punishment is only oriented to retaliation that can make the perpetrator lose confidence to reunite with the community. Chemical castration punishment is not in line with the objective of the criminal law that is the maintenance of community solidarity. Kekerasan seksual terhadap anak adalah kejahatan yang serius dan merupakan pelanggaran HAM. Salah satu upaya untuk mengantisipasi bertambahnya kekerasan seksual terhadap anak, Pemerintah mengeluarkan Perpu No 1 Tahun 2016 tentang perubahan kedua atas Undang-undang No 23 Tahun 2002 tentang perlindungan anak. Perpu No 1 ini kemudian disahkan menjadi Undang-undang Nomor 17 tahun 2016 tentang penetapan Perpu No 1 Tahun 2016. Perpu tersebut mengatur tentang pemberatan terhadap hukuman pelaku kejahatan seksual, khususnya terhadap anak. Dalam Perpu tersebut mengatur adanya pidana dan tindakan. Tindakan yang dimaksud dalam Perpu tersebut berupa pelaksanaan kebiri kimia disertai dengan rehabilitasi Tujuan penelitian ini untuk mengkaji dan menganalisa kebijakan hukum pidana sanksi kebiri kimia terhadap pelaku kekerasan seksual pada anak  dilihat dari perspektif HAM dan Hukum Pidana Indonesia. Metode penelitian ini menggunakan metode yuridis normatif dengan menggunakan pendekatan perundang-undangan serta pendekatan analisis konsep. Pelaksanaan kebiri kimia dianggap merupakan pelanggaran HAM. Pemberian hukuman melalui pengebirian dapat dikualifikasi sebagai penghukuman keji dan tidak manusiawi serta tidak sesuai dengan konstitusi dan komitmen Indonesia dalam bidang hak asasi manusia. Ketentuan pasal 28G ayat (2) konstitusi indonesia menyatakan bahwa “setiap orang berhak untuk bebas dari penyiksaan dan perlakuan yang merendahkan derajat martabat manusia”. Pelaksanaan hukum kebiri kimia hanya berorientasi pada pembalasan yang bisa membuat pelaku kehilangan kepercayaan diri untuk berkumpul kembali dengan masyarakat. Hukum kebiri kimia tidak sejalan dengan tujuan dari hukum pidana yaitu adanya pemeliharaan solidaritas masyarakat.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Romola Adeola ◽  
Frans Viljoen ◽  
Trésor Makunya Muhindo

Abstract In 2019, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights adopted General Comment No 5 on the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights: The Right to Freedom of Movement and Residence (Article 12(1)). In this general comment, the commission elaborated on the right to freedom of movement and residence within state borders. This issue, while explicit in international human rights law, is a challenge within various jurisdictions, including in Africa. This article provides a background to and commentary on General Comment No 5, leveraging on the insight of the authors, who participated in its drafting. Unlike the UN Human Rights Committee's earlier general comment, General Comment No 5 provides detailed guidance on the internal dimension of the right to free movement and residence. As “soft law”, its persuasive force depends on a number of factors, including its use at the domestic level, its visibility and its integration into regional human rights jurisprudence.


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Cekli Setya Pratiwi ◽  
Sidik Sunaryo

Abstract Blasphemy law (BL) has become a central issue for the international community in various parts of the world in the last three decades. In almost every case involving the BL, especially in Muslim countries, such as Pakistan, Malaysia, and Indonesia, they are always responded with violence or threats of attack that cause many victims, loss of homes, damage to places of worship, evictions, stigma of being heretical, severe punishments, or extra-judicial killings. When international human rights law (IHLR) and declaration of the right to peace are adopted by the international community, at the same time, the number of violence related to the application of BL continues to increase. This paper aims to examine the ambiguity of the concept of the BL in Pakistan, Indonesia, and Malaysia, and how its lead to the weak of enforcement that creates social injustice and inequality. Then, referring to Galtung’s theory of structural violence and other experts of peace studies, this paper argues that blasphemy law should be included as a form of structural violence. Therefore its challenges these States to reform their BL in which its provisions accommodate the state’s neutrality and content high legal standards. Thus, through guarantee the fully enjoyment of human rights for everyone may support the States to achieve sustainable peace.


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