Bridging the Political Gaps

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-74
Author(s):  
Christian E. Roques

Political romanticism is one of the keys to accessing the intellectual debates of the Weimar Republic. This article tries to adopt a radically historicized approach centered on the concept of reception. Such an approach allows it to focus on the strategic nature of the different uses that were made of the romantic paradigm between 1918 and 1933. This article contends that one of the main features that romanticism offers in the German context is its interdiscursive quality that renders it able to transcend traditional political divisions like left /right and conservative/progressive. This idea is illustrated in this article with a series of examples covering the entire lifespan of the Republic and the entire political spectrum therein, which can be represented by such figures as Sigmund Rubinstein, Thomas Mann, Hans Freyer, Carl Schmitt, Karl Mannheim, Othmar Spann, Wilhelm von Schramm, and Paul Tillich.

Author(s):  
Karin Gunnemann

This chapter provides a literary and historical glimpse into the political fortunes of the great writers and novelists of the Weimar era, focusing on Kurt Tucholsky, Alfred Döblin, and the brothers Thomas and Heinrich Mann. Tucholsky (1890–1935) was foremost a polemical political journalist, a humorist, and a writer of satiric poetry for the cabarets of Berlin. No ills of the Republic escaped his witty scrutiny, but when the Republic failed he ended his life in despair. Heinrich Mann (1871–1950) was both a prolific writer of fiction and one of Germany's leading political essayists. In response to the cultural changes of the twenties, he developed a new aesthetic for fiction that helped him preserve his utopian ideal of a democratic Germany. Döblin (1878–1957) expressed his criticism of post-war German society with greatest success in Berlin Alexanderplatz. Thomas Mann (1875–1955) is a representative of those writers who had great difficulty in moving away from their aesthetic and autonomous view of literature to a more “democratic” way of writing.


2006 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHRISTOPH BURCHARD

Carl Schmitt's Der Nomos der Erde allows us to rethink his interlinked proposals for the organization of the Weimar Republic, namely his theory of ‘democratic dictatorship’ and the ‘concept of the political’. Connecting the domestic homogeneity of an empowered people with the pluralism of the Westphalian state system, Schmitt seeks to humanize war; he objects to the renaissance of the ‘just war’ tradition, which is premised on a discriminating concept of war. Schmitt's objections are valid today, yet their Eurocentric foundations are also partially outdated. We are thus to argue with Schmitt against Schmitt to reflect on possibilities for the humanization of war.


2018 ◽  
Vol 35 (7-8) ◽  
pp. 319-324
Author(s):  
Thomas Kemple

Austin Harrington’s monumental investigation into the ‘radical centrists’ of the Weimar Republic is discussed in terms of key themes such as universalism, cosmopolitanism, and the critique of Eurocentrism that still resonate with recent debates. Contrasting the voices of lesser known critical intellectuals from this period such as Karl Jaspers and Kark Mannheim with the political writings of Max Weber and Georg Simmel, as well as with the reactionary positions of Carl Schmitt and Martin Heidegger, Harrington’s book affords a useful critical perspective on ‘protesting the West’, yesterday and today.


Author(s):  
Thomas Mergel

One of the phenomena of the Weimar Republic most in need of explanation is the rapid change from an initially widespread and overwhelming approval of the republic, to vast parts of society turning away from democracy just a few years later. This chapter explores the Reichstag elections and political communication around them as a manifestation of political group affiliations, traditions, and political expectations. Voting rights were expanded significantly, with democratic inclusion taking on new dimensions. However, this did not fundamentally challenge traditional affiliations to political camps. The radicalization of the electorate was a process that largely occurred within the political camps. This resulted in a culture of antagonism becoming more dominant, which, at the same time, clashed with the widespread longing for a homogeneous ‘people’s community’ and organic leadership.


Author(s):  
Sharon Gillerman

The chapter discusses the social and demographic profile of the Jewish minority in Germany from 1918 to 1933, the political preferences and perspectives of German Jews during this period and German Jewish cultural production in multiple spheres. The chapter argues that Weimar Jewish history represented both a continuation and intensification of the dynamics of German Jewish history more generally, in which the forces of inclusion and exclusion, as well as the tensions between universalism and particularism, became even more pronounced. As Weimar-era Jews redefined their notions of belonging, many reclaimed a particularism without renouncing the humanistic and liberally inflected notions of Deutschtum, continuing to work toward shaping a culture in which they could be at home. Yet during the final years of the Republic, their notion of Deutschtum diverged ever more from that held by increasing numbers of other Germans.


EDIS ◽  
1969 ◽  
Vol 2004 (12) ◽  
Author(s):  
José Alvarez

Cubans fought for their independence from Spain for most of the nineteenth century. Since most of the armed struggles took place in the countryside and the majority of the fighters were rural inhabitants, the agriarian issue was deeply embedded in the republic inaugurated on May 20, 1902. What was the rural reality during the 57 years between 1902 and 1959? Answers appear at both extremes of the political spectrum, exposed and espoused by supporters and detractors of the current Cuban regime. This fact sheet intends to address these conflicting viewpoints by analyzing the available data on pre-1959 rural Cuba. This is EDIS document FE479, a publication of the Department of Food and Resource Economics, Florida Cooperative Extension Service, UF/IFAS, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL. Published July 2004. FE479/FE479: Cuban Agriculture Before 1959: The Political and Economic Situations (ufl.edu)


Author(s):  
M.E. Omarov ◽  

This article defines the main ideological positions of Kazakhstani political parties, expressed in the form of their display on the graphic political spectrum, developed by the psychologist Hans Eysenck. The concept of the political spectrum is given, the main types of political spectrum that exist and are used at present, as well as their authors, are determined. The necessity of using Eysenck’s graphic political spectrum as the most rational way of placing political ideologies in the form of geometric models is substantiated. The analysis of the program documents of the political parties of the Republic of Kazakhstan, because of which information was obtained about their ideological affiliation, for their further distribution on the spectrum. The parties are distributed along the political spectrumin accordance with their ideological guidelines, as indicated in the officially approved political programs. The distribution of parties was carried out using two dichotomies: left-wing – right-wing and authoritarian-democracy.


Author(s):  
Nadine Rossol

By redirecting our attention away from the political extremes and to those who passionately supported and defended the republic, this chapter demonstrates that the republicans were an important factor within Germany’s political landscape. As energetic supporters for Weimar’s young state, they showed their commitment publicly at local and national level and actively mobilized support. The chapter examines the different republican groups and alliances, what they expected of the republic and how ambivalences and differences emerged within the republican camp. A focus on Weimar’s republicans as significant political agents does not rewrite the history of Weimar Republic as a success story, but it adds an important dimension to the history of Germany’s first republican democracy.


1997 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 189-201 ◽  
Author(s):  
Renato Cristi

Schmitt's Verfassungslehre stands as perhaps the most systematic and least circumstantial of his works. While his production is marked, on the whole, by an extraordinary sensitivity toward his own concrete situation, leading at one point to an unbounded and shameless opportunism, this particular work seems to rise above the political fray, reflecting possibly the mood of 1928, which marks the halcyon days of the Weimar republic. Recently, Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde has tried to shake off the Verfassungslehre from its composed academic bearing by relating its argument to the polemical friend/enemy theory developed by Schmitt in his Der Begriff des Politischen (1927) and Schmitt's characterization of the state as the political unity of a nation. Beyond this, Böckenförde has connected the Verfassungslehre to the eminently partisan notion of sovereignty put forth by Schmitt in his Politische Theologie (1922), where he flaunts his allegiance to the Catholic counterrevolution.


2020 ◽  
pp. 14-29
Author(s):  
Lyubov Prokopenko

The article considers the political aspect of land reform in the Republic of Zimbabwe. The problem of land reform has been one of the crucial ones in the history of this African country, which celebrated 40 years of independence on April 18, 2020. In recent decades, it has been constantly in the spotlight of political and electoral processes. The land issue was one of the key points of the political program from the very beginning of Robert Mugabe’s reign in 1980. The political aspect of land reform began to manifest itself clearly with the growth of the opposition movement in the late 1990s. In 2000–2002 the country implemented the Fast Track Land Reform Program (FTLRP), the essence of which was the compulsory acquisition of land from white owners without compensation. The expropriation of white farmers’ lands in the 2000s led to a serious reconfiguration of land ownership, which helped to maintain in power the ruling party, the African National Union of Zimbabwe – Patriotic Front (ZANU – PF). The government was carrying out its land reform in the context of a sharp confrontation with the opposition, especially with the Party for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by trade union leader Morgan Tsvangirai. The land issue was on the agenda of all the election campaigns (including the elections in July 2018); this fact denotes its politicization, hence the timeliness of this article. The economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe in the 2000–2010s was the most noticeable phenomenon in the South African region. The analysis of foreign and domestic sources allows us to conclude that the accelerated land reform served as one of its main triggers. The practical steps of the new Zimbabwean president, Mr. Emmerson Mnangagwa, indicate that he is aware of the importance of resolving land reform-related issues for further economic recovery. At the beginning of March 2020, the government adopted new regulations defining the conditions for compensation to farmers. On April 18, 2020, speaking on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the independence of Zimbabwe, Mr. E. Mnangagwa stated that the land reform program remains the cornerstone of the country’s independence and sovereignty.


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