Revisiting French Foundational Republicanism from a Non-teleological Approach

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pablo Facundo Escalante
Keyword(s):  
Old French ◽  
Second Empire ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
July Monarchy ◽  
First Empire ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
French Republicanism ◽  
The Will ◽  
Bourbon Restoration

French republicanism is traditionally considered not only the logical outcome of the principles of 1789 but also their main political goal in the long term. Since the revolutionary outbreak, France would have been destined to become a republic, and the consecutive republican regimes that shaped its history seem to support that interpretation. However, considering the formidable weight of the centuries-old French royalist tradition, it is difficult to believe that the French gave up kingship once and for all in the span of the first three revolutionary years and that the First Empire, the Bourbon Restoration, the July Monarchy, and the Second Empire were political regimes imposed only by force, against the will of the French, who only wanted a republican form of government. Driven by these reflections, this article attempts to propose a different interpretation of French republicanism.

Arthur O’Connor

1966 ◽  
Vol 15 (57) ◽  
pp. 48-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank MacDermot
Keyword(s):  
Second Empire ◽  
July Monarchy ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
First Empire ◽  
Obituary Notice ◽  
United Irishmen

Arthur O’Connor, or more correctly Conner, is now little remembered, but from 1795 to 1798 no leader of the United Irishmen had more prestige and influence than he. In England he was the darling of the Foxite whigs. In France he played a part in procuring the expedition to Bantry Bay. In Ireland he inspired and organised rebellion. He suffered nearly five years imprisonment, narrowly escaped the gallows and spent the last fifty years of his life in exile. There he was made a général de division by Napoleon, was intimate with Lafayette, Volney, and the idéologues, and married the daughter of Condorcet and niece of Grouchy. He lived through the last days of the consulate, and all of the first empire, the restoration, the hundred days, the second restoration, the July monarchy and the second republic to die tranquilly at the dawn of the second empire. An obituary notice in The Nation sang his praises.

Moderation and “Neutral Power”

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aurelian Craiutu
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
The State ◽  
Representative Government ◽  
Individual Liberty ◽  
Middle Way ◽  
First Empire ◽  
Bourbon Restoration

This chapter examines political moderation in Benjamin Constant's political thought, with particular emphasis on his search for a “neutral power” that would function as a moderating device, keeping the ship of the state on an even keel. It begins with a commentary on Constant's enigmatic personality before turning to his lesser-known political writings from 1795 to 1799 as well as his better-known works written during the First Empire and the Bourbon Restoration. It then considers the rhetoric of an “extreme center” in the context of moderation as well as Constant's notion of the middle way during the Directory. It also explores Constant's ideas on limited sovereignty and individual liberty, along with his theory of representative government based on the concept of pouvoir modérateur.

scholarly journals Dr. Strangelove or How I Should Stop Worrying and Love Fascism

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Andre Dias
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Novel ◽  
The Third ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Democratic System ◽  
The Will ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Do So

This paper presents a Foucauldian discourse analysis of Stanley Kubrick’s Dr. Strangelove or: How I Learned to Stop Worrying and Love the Bomb. The analysis examines linguistic and extralinguistic aspects of both the film and the novel. It is composed of three parts: the first is an analysis of the Manichaeism during the Cold War period and how it turned the Soviets into mortal enemies of the United States; the second is how the nuclear threat and the Cold War paranoia could destroy the democratic system in the United States; and the third analysis explain how Fascistic relations could be cultivated through the discipline of bodies. It has been concluded that the movie is presenting a concept, here referred to as Strangelove’s Hypothesis, that a Strangelovian scenario (i.e., a nuclear holocaust, usually caused by incompetence or without the will to do so) could lead to the emergence of a Fascistic-like form of government in order to restore security. The solution presented to avoid such scenario is a sociopsychological change in order to pursue more peaceful relations.

Assessing (In)security after the Arab Spring

2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (04) ◽  
pp. 709-715 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Gledhill
Keyword(s):  
North Africa ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Economic Security ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Security Services ◽  
Internal Conflicts ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Collective Attention ◽  
The Arab Spring

More than two years after the heady days of protest and uprising that characterized the Arab Spring, the glow of revolution has given way to the intricacies and complications of regime building. Coalitions are being formed, constitutions written, judiciaries vetted, and security services (re)built. As collective attention focuses on these complexities of regime restructuring, it is worth noting that a fundamental security paradox sits at the heart of transitions in the Middle East and North Africa. On one hand, individuals who hit the streets or battlefields in support of revolution in 2011 did so in the belief that a new form of government would improve their political, social, and economic security over the long term. On the other hand, subsequent (and ongoing) efforts to draft new rules of the political game have triggered internal conflicts and, on occasion, those conflicts have compromised citizens' physical security over the short term.

Earth-grab by corporate feudalism and how to go about resisting it

2014 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 612-618 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amiya Kumar Bagchi
Keyword(s):  
Living Standards ◽  
Term Survival ◽  
The People ◽  
Development Goals ◽  
The Will ◽  
Indigenous Minorities ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

The need for a new economy is great and the obstacles are many: growing inequalities within and between nations and regions, new complicity between corporations and non-democratic political regimes and failure of workers worldwide to make common cause. There are alternative models, indicating that a more egalitarian approach does not necessarily reduce living standards. Environmental degradation cannot be addressed by a technological fix: the threat to our long-term survival is pre-figured in the impact of climate change and corporate rapacity on the land and sea resources of the indigenous minorities who live as humanity has lived for most of its existence. A 10-point plan for a follow-up to the United Nations’ Millennium Development Goals is suggested, but it will work only if solidarity networks can be built across divides of ascribed race, religion and nominal income levels, to express the will of the people in place of the government representatives who are prepared to gamble the future of humanity for corporate profit and power.

scholarly journals Imaginário e espacialidade vivida em narrativas quilombolas, Pimenteiras do Oeste – Rondônia, Brasil

2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 160
Author(s):  
Zairo Carlos da Silva Pinheiro ◽  
Cicilian Luiza Löwen Sahr
Keyword(s):  
Lived Experience ◽  
The Other ◽  
Social Imaginary ◽  
Santa Cruz ◽  
Federal Constitution ◽  
Palabras Clave ◽  
The Will ◽  
Sobre Todo

Resumo Esse artigo busca discutir o imaginário na espacialidade vivida levando em conta a oralidade de sujeitos quilombolas. Para tanto, estuda-se o caso concreto de Pimenteiras do Oeste em Rondônia (RO) à luz das narrativas de seus quilombolas e também de teóricos da fenomenologia. Acredita-se que a reivindicação de um espaço quilombola, a Fazenda Santa Cruz, esteja sustentada tanto pelo imaginário social e pela espacialidade construída e reconstruída ao longo da história do grupo, como também - e principalmente - pelo imaginário social recente, tornado visível a partir da Constituição Federal de 1988. A pesquisa demonstra que a vontade de “ser quilombola” perpassa pelo imaginário de diferentes discursos, e que este imaginário se mescla com as espacialidades do grupo, tornando-os um dependente do outro.Palavras-chave: imaginário; espacialidades; narrativas; quilombolas; Rondônia. Abstract This article is discussing the function of imaginaries in lived spatialities, based on an investigation on the orality of quilombolas. As such, it is directed towards a case study in Pimenteiras do Oeste in Rondonia (Brazil), a place which is understood through the narratives of its quilombola population as well as through phenomenological methods.  Its premises are that the claim for a quilombola space, in our case the Fazenda Santa Cruz, is based on a connection between social imaginary and its produced spatiality, on one hand grounded on a long-term lived experience of the group, and on the other referring to a more recent imaginary that is linked to the Federal Constitution of Brazil from 1988. Throughout the research it appears that the will to “be quilombola” is passing through the imaginary of several discourses, and that these imaginaries do mix within the lived spatialities of the group, turning each element dependent on the other.Keywords: imaginary; spatiality; narratives; quilombolas; Rondonia.  ResumenEl presente artículo discute lo imaginario en la espacialidad vivida a la luz de la oralidad de sujetos quilombolas (cimarrones). El caso de Pimenteiras do Oeste, Rondônia, es estudiado a partir de las narrativas de los quilombolas a través del análisis de la fenomenología. La demanda de un espacio quilombola, la Hacienda Santa Cruz, es apoyada tanto por el imaginario social y la espacialidad construida y reconstruida a lo largo de la historia del grupo, pero también -  sobre todo - por el imaginario social reciente, que se hizo visible desde la Constitución Federal de 1988. La investigación muestra que el deseo de "ser quilombola" está presente en los diferentes discursos, y éste imaginario está mezclado además, con la espacialidad del grupo estudiado, haciéndolos interdependientes. Palabras Clave: imaginario; espacialidad; narraciones; quilombolas (cimarrones); Rondônia. 

scholarly journals The Alienation from Citizenship in Bosnia and Herzegovina: From Criticism of the Constitution to Actual Participation

2021 ◽  
pp. 6-18
Author(s):  
Nermina Mujagić
Keyword(s):  
Political Community ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Theoretical Terms ◽  
The People ◽  
Global Problems ◽  
Local Problems ◽  
The Will ◽  
Dayton Peace Agreement ◽  
Actual Participation

Remaining true to the spirit and logic of the war-torn territories, the Dayton Peace Agreement highlights the interdependence of Bosnia and Herzegovina’s (B&H) 'local' problems with the wider region’s problems,  and indeed, global problems. 25 years after the signing of the Dayton Peace Agreement, we have gained a democracy without a people, a democracy with MP’s defined by their ethnicity, who, at their discretion, interpret the will of the people and dispose of the mandate entrusted to them by their convictions. This paper aims to open up the question of whether the Dayton Constitution alienated B&H’s citizens from their political community. Pointing to the process of alienation from citizenship, which is, among other things, caused by a constitutional architecture that does not conceive of the citizen as an abstract category, the author focuses more on the conditions in which voters are denied real political participation. In theoretical terms, this participation would mean not only resistance to ethnonationalism, but also the creation of opportunities for citizens to unite and make political-strategic, and long-term decisions important for the future of B&H.

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